pengabaian terhadap kewajiban asasi maka akan berdampak

Apabilahal tersebut tidak terwujud, maka akan terjadi pelanggaran HAM. Dengan demikian secara sederhana bahwa pelanggaran hak asasi manusia itu adalah pelanggaran atau pelalaian terhadap kewajiban asasi yang dilakukan oleh seseorang atau sekelompok orang kepada orang lain. Page 3 HAM -PPKN -/3.1/4.1/3/1.1 b. HubunganHak Asasi Manusia dan Kewajiban. Antara hak dan kewajiban tidak dapat dipisahkan. Karena jika ada kewajiban yang harus diselesaikan maka akan ada hak yang didapat sebagai imbalan atas kewajiban yang telah dijalankan. Namun dalam hubungan dan implementasinya, seseorang tidak dapat mengandalkan pemahaman kemutlakannya di antara sesama 2 Curzon. Contoh Kewajiban Asasi Manusia. Pengertian Kewajiban Asasi Manusia (KAM) - Berbeda dengan Hak Asasi Manusia, mungkin istilah KAM masih terasa asing di telinga masyarakat Indonesia. Memang kewajiban asasi nyatanya kalah populer dengan hak asasi manusia. Sebab, kewajiban asasi tidak terlalu banyak didengungkan atau digembor-gemborkan. Babini menganalisis pendapat yang menyatakan telah terjadi "defisit demokrasi" di WTO. Adanya defisit memunculkan sangsi terhadap legitimasi dan keragu-raguanan terhadap cita-cita yang hendak dicapai oleh segala aturan main WTO. Pertama-tama, bab Kemudian akan dibahas mengenai kewajiban Pemerintah Indonesia terkait hak anak atas kewarganegaraan secara normatif. Pada bagian terakhir, akan diulas terkait implementasi dari kewajiban negara terkait hak anak atas kewarganegaraan dalam bentuk legislasi dan kebijakan nasional yang telah diterapkan Pemerintah Indonesia. Wo Kann Ich Am Besten Frauen Kennenlernen. This article was originally published by The Lawyer's Daily on August 21, 2019, part of LexisNexis Canada April 2019, the Conservative government of Ontario announced its plans to repeal the Compensation for Victims of Crime Act in the 194-page bill tabled as part of the Finance minister’s budget measures. Bill 100, titled the Protecting What Matters Most Act, would also dissolve Ontario’s Criminal Injuries Compensation Board, the tribunal that has awarded financial assistance to victims of crime since 1971. The government claims that by doing so, they can save up to $30 million annually starting in 2021-2022 and re-invest $6 million a year in victim services such as the Civil Remedies Grant Program. Previously, the Compensation for Victims of Crime Act allowed for lump-sum payments of up to $25,000 or monthly payments of up to $1,000 to compensate victims of crime for medical and therapy expenses, funeral and burial expenses, legal expenses, loss of income or support, as well as pain and suffering. Effective May 29, the total available funding for one victim is increased to $30,000 but compensation for pain and suffering is capped at $5,000. This cap applies to any decisions rendered by the board on or after May 29, 2019. The amendment prohibiting the board from accepting new applications is not yet in force. For most cases, the increase in awards to $30,000 is unattainable. In reality, most victims will never benefit from the increase in light of the $5,000 cap on compensation for pain and suffering — the category where the board had the most discretion to consider the impact of the crime. According to the board’s 2017-2018 annual report, compensation for pain and suffering accounted for 95 per cent of its payments that year. Notably, pain and suffering accounted for approximately $33 million of the 3,569 claims the board paid out that year. If each of those cases resulted instead in a maximum payment of $5,000, the board would have paid out less than $18 million. Needless to say, the maximum is usually set aside for the most catastrophic incidents. The money that will be saved comes in large part from the Consolidated Revenue Fund, which is paid in part by fine surcharges imposed under the Provincial Offences Act and the Criminal Code. Pursuant to the Victims’ Bill of Rights, these funds are meant to be used to assist victims of crime. Compensation provided by the board has always been limited. As a result, an application to the board has long been a last resort for survivors of violent crimes. Nevertheless, a sudden and dramatic reduction in victim compensation is more likely to harm the very people the province purports to help. The board’s claimants are primarily vulnerable individuals living in poverty, many of whom are women. Removing financial assistance to victims is likely to increase their reliance on the health care system and other provincially funded social services. The province is also replacing the board with an administrative model. Instead of having to appear before an adjudicator, claimants will submit their documents to an administrative body that will then process the claims and issue the payments. Their goal is “to provide support to victims in a timely and compassionate manner.” This will bring Ontario’s approach to victim compensation in line with other Canadian provinces as an administrative model rather than an adjudicative system. According to former Attorney General Caroline Mulroney, the board was ineffective, as applicants would often wait up to three years to receive their compensation award. This view was based on a 2007 ombudsman’s report that no longer reflects reality. Last year’s annual report showed an average turnaround time of 374 days. In the civil law system, these same claims can take several years. Although an administrative model may in fact lower costs and allow for more efficient processing of claims, it is also possible that such a model will create a bureaucratic system that replaces the board’s victim-centred and trauma-informed approach with impersonal, rigid procedures that make decision-making slow. If efficiency and cost-effectiveness is the goal, a solution should be possible without scrapping the whole system. After all, the board has been available to mitigate unfairness and fill the gaps in our criminal and civil justice system by offeringThe criminal justice system is designed to convict criminals; it is not designed to help victims. Immediate financial compensation assists victims in practical ways and assures victims that they are valued members of society. It is not clear how the new scheme will compare to the board as no details of this scheme have yet been released. Many questions remain unanswered. Who has or is being consulted in this decision to disband the board? What will this new administrative model look like and how will it function? How will the claims be assessed? What criteria will be used? Will the individuals administering this new scheme have any legal training or understanding of the impact of trauma on applicants? Will applicants be required to make police reports? Must the perpetrator be convicted of the crime underlying the application? Will the survivors still be able to access funding for other categories of expenses? To date, all we know about this new scheme is that victims will now get significantly less compensation and will no longer have their cases heard before an impartial adjudicator. This is no surprise in light of other recent decisions by the provincial government. These include cuts to funding for Legal Aid Ontario, cuts to legal aid for immigrants and refugees, cuts to social assistance and supportive housing and a lower-than-hoped increase in funding for rape crisis Bakhtiary is a lawyer at Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt LLP and an executive member of the Ontario Bar Association's Young Lawyers Division. Perlindungan dan PemajuanHak Asasi Manusia di IndonesiaShafna Safitri1401617049Program Studi Pendidikan Pancasila dan Negeri JakartaJalan. Rawamangun Muka Nomor 1 Jakarta Timur, IndonesiaAbstrakArtikel ini dilatarbelakangi oleh ketertarikan penulis terhadap perlindungan dan penegakanhak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Tujuan penulisan ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh manaperkembangan penegakan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia dan mengedukasi pembaca terhadappenegakan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan penulisan ini yaitu studipustaka dari beberapa sumber data. Data yang terdapat di dalam penulisan ini merupakanfakta tentang penegakan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Berdasarkan data tersebut dapatdisimpulkan bahwa penegakan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia sudah mulai dapat dikatakancukup baik karena mulai berkurangnya pelangaran hak asasi manusia yang terjadi diIndonesia. Hasil dari penulisan ini diharapkan dapat menambah wawasan pengetahuan danmeningkatkan kesadaran pembaca untuk tetap melakukan perlindungan dan penegakanterhadap hak asasi kunci — HAM, Pelanggaran, PenegakanI. PendahuluanManusia adalah makhluk yangdiciptakan oleh Tuhan Yang Maha Esadengan segala kesempurnaannya. Salahsatu kesempurnaan yang diberikan TuhanYang Maha Esa kepada manusia adalah“akal dan pikiran” yang mampumembedakannya dengan makhluk diciptakan dan dilahirkan manusiatelah dianugerahi hak-hak yang melekatpada dirinya dan harus dihormati olehmanusia yang lainnya. Hak tersebutdisebut juga dengan Hak Asasi ManusiaHAM.John Locke seorang ahli Ilmu Negaramenyatakan bahwa hak asasi manusiaadalah hak-hak yang diberikan langsungoleh Tuhan Yang Maha Pencipta sebagaihak yang kodrati. Oleh karena nya tidakada kekuasaan apapun di dunia yang dapatmencabutnya. Hak sifatnya sangatmendasar bagi hidup dan merupakan hakkodrati yang terlepas dari Undang-Undang RepublikIndonesia Nomor 39 Tahun 1999 Pasal 1menyebutkan bahwa “Hak Asasi Manusiaadalah seperangkat hak yang melekatpada manusia sebagai makhluk TuhanYang Maha Esa dan merupakan anugerah-Nya yang wajib dihormati, dijunjungtinggi, dan dilindungi oleh negara, hukum,pemerintah, dan setiap orang demikehormatan serta perlindungan harkatdan martabat manusia”.Berdasarkan rumusan-rumusan hakasasi manusia tersebut diatas, dapatdisimpulkan bahwa hak asasi manusiaadalah hak yang melekat pada diri manusiayang bersifat kodrati dan fundamentalsebagai anugerah Tuhan Yang Maha Esayang harus dihormati, dijaga, dandilindungi oleh setiap individu,masyarakat, atau yang dimiliki oleh setiap orangtentunya tidak dapat dilaksanakan sebebas-bebasnya, karena ia berhadapan langsungdan harus menghormati hak yang dimilikiorang lain. Hak asasi manusia terdiri atasdua hal yang paling fundamental, yaitu hakpersamaan dan hak kebebasan. Tanpaadanya kedua hak ini maka akan sangatsulit untuk mengakkan hak asasi penerapannya, hak asasimanusia HAM juga tidak dapatdilepaskan dari kewajiban asasi manusiaKAM dan tanggung jawab asasi manusiaTAM. Ketiganya merupakan keterpaduanyang berlangsung secara seimbang. Bilaketiga unsur asasi yang melekat padasetiap indivdu manusia tidak berjalanseimbang makan dapat dipastikanakanmenimbulkan kekacauan dan kesewenang-wenangan dalam tata kehidupan asasi manusia juga mempunyaibeberapa ciri pokok, yaituHAM tidak perlu diberikan,diminta, dibeli, atau diwarisi. HAMbersifat hakiki dan yang merupakanbagian dari manusia secaraotomatis.HAM bersifat universal, artinyaberlaku untuk semua orang tanpamemandang jenis kelamin, ras,agama, etnis, pandangan politik,dan asal-usul bangsa.Ham tidak bisa dilanggar, artinyatidak seorang pun yang mempunyaihak untuk membatasi ataumelanggar hak orang lain. Orangtetap memiliki HAM walaupunnegara membuat hukum yang tidakmelindungi atau melanggar terhadap hak asasi manusiapada hakikatnya merupakan penghargaanterhadap segala potensi dan harga dirimanusia menurut kodratnya. Walaupundemikian, kita tidak boleh lupa bahwahakikat tersebut tidak hanya mengundanghak untuk menikmati kehidupan secarakodrati. Sebab dalam hakikat kodratiitupun terkandung kewajiban pada dirimanusia tersebut. Tuhan memberikansejumlah hak dasar tadi dengan kewajibanmembina dan dan pemajuan hak asasimanusia HAM tidak hanya menjaditanggung jawab pemerintah saja, namunmenjadi tanggung jawab bersamamasyarakat. Artinya, pemerintah maupunmasyarakat sesuai dengan peran dankedudukannya masing-masing sama-samabertanggung jawab untuk melindungi danmemajukan hak asasi PembahasanUpaya pemajuan hak asasi manusia diIndonesia sudah mulai dilakukan sejakIndonesia merdeka. Pemikiran HAM padaawal periode kemerdekaan masihmenekankan pada hak untuk merdeka, hakkebebasan untuk berserikat melaluiorganisasi politik yang didirikan serta hakkebebasan untuk menyampaikan pendapatterutama di parlemen. Periode 1950-1959 dalam perjalanannegara Indonesia dikenal dengan sebutanperiode demokrasi parlementer. PemikiranHAM pada periode ini mendapatkanmeomentum yang sangat membanggakan,karena suasana kebebasan yang menjadisemangat demokrasi liberal atau demokrasiparlementer mendapatkan tempat dikalangan elit politik. Sehingga semakinbanyak partai-patai politik yang berdiridengan beragam ideologinya 1959-1966, pada periode inisistem pemerintahan yang berlaku adalahsistem demokrasi terpimpin sebagai reaksipenolakan Soekarno terhadap sistemdemokrasi parlementer. Pada sistem inikekuasaan terpusat pada terjadi pemasungan hak asasimanusia, yaitu hak sipil dan hak kata lain, telah terjadi pembatasankekuasaan terhadap hak sipil dan hakpolitik warga 1966-1998, terjadi peralihanpemerintahan dari Soekarno ke Soeharto,dan timbul semangat untuk menegakkanHAM. Pada masa ini diadakan seminartentang HAM. Namun, pada tahun 1970-an sampai periode akhir 1980-an persoalanHAM di Indonesia mengalamikemunduran karena pemikiran penguasayang menolak penegakan pada akhirnya pemerintahmendirikan Komisi Nasional Hak AsasiManusia Komnas HAM berdasarkanKepres Nomor 50 Tahun 1993 padatanggal 7 Juni 1993. Lembaga ini bertugasuntuk memantau dan menyelidikipelaksanaan HAM serta memberipendapat, pertimbangan, dan saran kepadapemerintah perihal pelaksanaan pada periode 1998-Sekarang berlangsung membaik. Karenapergantian pemerintahan pada tahun 1998memberikan dampak yang sangat besarpada pemajuan dan perlindungan HAM diIndonesia. Saat ini sedang dilakukanpengkajian beberapa kebijakan pemerintahpada masa orde baru yang berlawanandengan pemajuan dan perlindungan itu juga dilakukan penyusunanperaturan perundang-undangan yangberkaitan dengan pemberlakuan HAM,seperti Undang-Undangan RepublikIndonesia Nomor 39 Tahun 1999 tentangHak Asasi penegakan HAM, pemerintahmempunyai tanggung jawab yang upaya yang dilakukan pemerintahdalam menegakkan HAM, diantaranyaadalah membentuk Komnas HAM,membuat produk hukum yang mengaturtentang HAM, dan membentuk pemerintah, masyarakat jugabertanggung jawab dalam penegakanHAM. Oleh karena itu kita sebagai warganegara, sikap yang patut kita munculkandalam upaya penegakan hak asasi manusiaantara lain dapat berupa menolak dengantegas setiap terjadinya pelanggaran HAMdan mendukung dengan tetap bersikapkritis terhadap upaya penegakan perlindungan dan penegakanHAM tentu tidak semudah yang kitabayangkan, karena banyak sekalitantangan yang harus dihadapi, baik olehmasyarakat maupun pemerintah. Beberapatantangan yang harus dihadapi itu antaralain kurangnya pemahaman danpengetahuan tentang HAM, kurangnyapengalaman dalam penegakan HAM,kemiskinan, keterbelakangan, pemahamanHAM masih terbatas dalam pemahangerakan penegak HAM, dan kurangnyakemampuan berpikir analatik mengenaipersoalan berpikir analitikmengenai berbagai persoalan hidup initerkait dengan sejumlah informasi dalamhal ini pengetahuan yang tepat dan relevansebab pengetahuan tentang isu ataumasalah merupakan syarat awal untukmemulai suatu tindakan yang tepat. EvaMarthinu & Nadiroh, 2017Oleh sebab itu, maka tercatat di dalamsejarah beberapa kasus pelanggaran HAMyang pernah terjadi di Indonesia,diantaranyaKerusuhan Tanjung Priok padatanggal 12 September kasus ini tercatat sebanyak24 orang tewas, 36 orang lukaberat, dan 19 orang luka ringan.Penembakan beberapa mahasiswaUniversitas Trisakti yang terjadipada tanggal 12 Mei 1998. Dalamkasus ini tercatat 5 orang tewas.Tragedi Semanggi I pada tanggal13 November 1998. Dalam kasusini tercatat 5 orang tewas.Tragedi Semanggi II pada tanggal24 September 1999. Dalam kasusini tercatat 5 orang tewas.Pembunuhan Munir yangmerupakan Aktivis HAM padatanggal 7 September kasus diatas adalah contohbahwa masih terjadinya penindasanterhadap nilai-nilai upaya penegakan HAM sudahdilakukan sangat lama bahkan sejakIndonesia merdeka, namun ternyatapelanggaran dan penindasan terhadap hakkemanusiaan masih saja terjadi disekitarkita. Contoh kasus pelanggaran HAM yanglainnya ialah kasus kematian TKI di luarnegeri dan kejahatan kemanusiaan masihsaja mewarnai perjalanan upaya penegakanHAM di tidak terjadi pelanggaran danpenindasan terhadap HAM makadiperlukan peranan pemerintah danpartisipasi masyarakat yang menjadi syaratutama dalam perlindungan dan pemajuanHAM di Indonesia. Dengan demikian,diharapkan tercipta peri kehidupan yangharrmonis yang dilandasi oleh PenutupHak Asasi Manusia atau yang biasakita sebut dengan HAM merupakan hakyang melekat pada diri manusia yang harusdihormati, dijaga, dan dilindungi olehsetiap individu, masyarakat, dan demikian, hakikatpenghormatan dan perlindungan HAMialah menjaga keselamatan eksistensimanusia secara utuh melalui aksikeseimbangan. Keseimbangannya adalahantara hak dan kewajiban sertakeseimbangan antara kepentinganperorangan dengan kepentingan menghormati, melindungi, danmenjunjung tinggi HAM menjadikewajiban dan tanggung jawab bersamaantara individu, pemerintah, dan dalam memenuhi dan menuntut haktidak terlepas dari pemenuhan kewajibanyang harus dilaksanakan. Begitu jugadalam memenuhi kepentinganperseorangan, kepentingan tersebut tidakboleh merusak kepentingan umum. Karenaitu, pemenuhan, perlindungan, danpenghormatan terhadap HAM harus diikutidengan pemenuhan terhadap KAMkewajiban asasi manusia dan TAMtanggung jawab asasi manusia dalamkehidupan pribadi, bermasyarakat, ReferensiEva Marthinu, Nadiroh September, 2017.“Pengaruh Experiential Learning dan Pengetahuan Pembangan Berkelanjutan Terhadap Berpikir Analitik Masalah Lingkungan”. Jurnal Pendidikan Lingkungan danPembangunan XVIII. No Ngadimin Winata, Edison A. Jamli 2013. “Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewaganegaraan SMA/ MA Kelas X”. Jakarta RI No. 39 Tahun 1999 1999 tentang Hak Asasi ManusiaProf. Dr. Soedjono Dirdjosisworo 2002. “Pengadilan Hak Asasi Manusia Indonesia”. Bandung PT. Citra Aditya Bakti › Opini›Kewajiban Asasi Manusia Didie SW Apakah kita, selaku human, hanya punya hak? Apakah sebagai warga komunitas manusia yang mengaku prihatin pada jalannya kehidupan bersama tak menyadari adanya ide kembar dari hak, yaitu kewajiban asasi?! Masalah hak asasi manusia dewasa ini adalah tak lain daripada cara baru dalam menyatakan suatu masalah lama, yaitu masalah besar dari moral. Dan cara ini kiranya pantas diragukan. Betapa tidak. Yang merupakan masalah moral bukanlah the right of man,tetapi the right of others, termasuk the fundamental right of the earth, hak asasi bumi. Artinya, aku tak punya hak, hanya punya kewajiban dan ia semakin besar dengan meningkatnya pendidikan formal yang kualami. Aku punya hak hanya karena ada lian pihak lain. Anda, misalnya punya kewajiban terhadap diriku. Karena kemujuran saja aku bisa berpartisipasi dalam hak asasi manusia, selaku human, berhubung kebetulan ada lian. Anda dan aku punya kewajiban persis sama. Jadi makhluk manusia lebih dulu punya kewajiban dan hanya hak lianlah yang diutamakan. Manusia ditetapkan oleh Tuhan menjadi khalifah wakil-Nya di Bumi. Maka kewajiban asasi kita yang diniscayakan untuk dilaksanakan adalah merawat Bumi. Bumi ini bukan warisan Ibu Pertiwi yang boleh kita manfaatkan begitu saja, tetapi pinjaman kita dari anak cucu yang harus bisa dikembalikan dalam keadaan relatif utuh agar bisa pula mereka manfaatkan. Melaksanakan kewajiban asasi memang tak mudah. Perlu ketekunan, ketabahan, dan intelectual sincerity, sebab pelaksanaan itu tak hanya membutuhkan keterampilan teknis, tetapi juga berhubung adanya godaan-godaan yang datang dari pihak setan. Ketika dia mendengar bahwa yang dipercayakan Tuhan jadi wakil-Nya di Bumi bukan malaikat, melainkan makhluk manusia, dia cemburu dan berang. Dia konon sejak itu bersumpah akan menggoda manusia terus-menerus. Mengutamakan hak orang lain berlaku tak hanya di kala perang, tetapi juga di masa damai, seperti selama proses pembangunan berjalan berkelanjutan, pada saat kita bertugas di lingkungan legislatif, yudikatif, dan eksekutif, terutama dalam pelaksanaan pendidikan. Ini adalah satu-satunya kegiatan yang menyiapkan anak-anak membangun masa depannya sendiri yang relevan, yaitu tempat dia akan menjalani sisa hidupnya selaku generasi milenium. Maka proses didaktis ini perlu dikaji relevansinya. Mungkin ada pengetahuan dan nilai yang tak perlu dibelajarkan lagi unlearn, ada yang perlu ditinjau ulang relearn, demikian pula penjenjangan proses studinya sejak TK hingga perguruan tinggi PT. Ada yang mengatakan filsuf Nietzsche pernah berujar akan datang waktu di mana satu-satunya kebijakan pemerintah adalah kebijakan pendidikan. Jika demikian, bagi Indonesia, saat itu adalah sekarang ini, now or never, jangan asasi Bumi Sejauh yang mengenai Bumi sudah lama kita mengabaikan hak asasinya. Kita lupa tentang kewajiban asasi human terhadap hak asasi Bumi tersebut. Padahal, kita saksikan sendiri betapa sistem ekologis kita semakin parah tanah longsor, kekeringan di daerah hilir di mana membentang ranah perhatian, perbukitan dan tebing yang semakin gundul, pergerakan tanah. Kita sudah kehilangan the capacity to foresee and to forestall. Karena lalai dan tidak peduli, kita baru akan terhenti bertindak dengan sendirinya setelah menghancurkan Bumi. Jelas bahwa makhluk manusia lahir di satu rentang waktu spesifik. Artinya, kita ditakdirkan menjalani hidup dan menempuh kehidupan di suatu jenjang tertentu dari nasib human yang mekar terus-menerus. Seorang individu tergolong pada satu generasi. Dia bahkan merupakan suatu substansinya. Dan setiap generasi berposisi tidak di sembarang lokasi, tetapi langsung dan cepat sudah generasi sebelumnya. Kenyataan ini mengindikasikan manusia hidup, berdaya, di level zamannya dan, lebih khusus lagi, di level dari ide zamannya. Jika dia hidup di level yang lebih rendah, bersendikan ide arkais, dia menyeret dirinya sendiri ke kehidupan yang lebih rendah, serba sumpek. Begitulah keadaan kita sekarang dalam terminologi ekologis, terutama di sektor urban. Mungkin di daerah-daerah terpencil belum begitu terasa, tetapi paling sedikit sudah bergerak ke ambang batas awal. Jika kita stop sejenak langkah ke depan dan meninjau ke prasejarah, kita lihat bahwa nyaris setiap lenyapnya bentuk kehidupan atau spesies disebabkan satu atau sebuah kombinasi dari tiga elemen spesialisasi intensif yang menjurus ke titik akhir evolusioner, kekuatan-kekuatan geologis atau iklim yang ternyata katastropis atau tindakan spesies lain yang bersikap permusuhan. Selama jutaan tahun pertarungan ke arah humanitas, bentuk kehidupan yang berupa manusia terelak dari jebakan spesialisasi. Spesies satu ini terus berubah dan beradaptasi pada suratan takdir human-nya, bisa mempertahankan opsi-opsinya. Dia juga dapat mengatasi elemen-elemen kehancurannya. Ancaman ketiga perlu diperhitungkan keampuhannya. Ancaman itu tak lain daripada makhluk manusia itu sendiri. Dia sekaligus berupa pengancam dan yang terancam dek obsesi liar yang dimanjakan, yaitu ”menguasai bumi” dengan tetap mengaktualisasi kebebasan memilih. Dampak fatal dari obsesi liar itu sudah diingatkan oleh Kementerian Dalam Negeri AS sejak 90 tahun lalu. Kalau manusia masih punya kebebasan memilih dewasa ini manfaatkanlah ia ke arah sebaliknya sebagai suatu keharusan absolut guna mengelak dari nasib malang yang sudah dialami oleh dinosaurus dan hewan raksasa purba serupa Antropolog mengatakan manusia adalah produk dari evolusi jutaan tahun. Dia dibentuk secara harfiah oleh lingkungan alami di luar dan kekuatan hidup di dalam dirinya. Selama kurun waktu itu dia bertarung demi kelangsungan hidupnya. Sikapnya terhadap alam memang ambivalen sebab alam sekaligus teman dan musuhnya. Demi memenangkan pertarungan hidup-mati itu manusia memupuk ilmu pengetahuan dan dari sini mengembangkan teknologi. Namun, pelaksanaannya mengacaukan makna ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi. Ia lupa bahwa ilmu pengetahuan adalah pencarian kebenaran, sedangkan teknologi adalah alat/cara means untuk menerapkan kebenaran. Jika demi kebenaran ilmu pengetahuan dibolehkan relatif bebas, teknologi, yaitu penerapannya, perlu kontrol dan keseimbangan antara kearifan dan kebajikan. Setelah menyaksikan perluasan dan frekuensi bencana alam yang ditayangkan televisi setiap hari, kian jelas kita perlu pedoman guidelines. Namun, aparat pengarahan kita selalu memproyeksi hari esok di garis waktu horizontal dari hari ini. Jika hari esok menjadi hari ini, dalam kenyataannya, ia bisa menyimpang dari yang kita pikirkan. Teknologi yang membentuk masa depan ada di tangan kita. Yang masih kita perlukan, pertama, cara/jalan politis dan sosial yang memberi arahan pada peralatan yang kita ciptakan tersebut. Kedua, diktum populer yang relatif mudah mengingatkan bahwa masa depan tidak di tangan nasib, tetapi di genggaman kita. Adalah maksud tulisan ini untuk menyajikan pedoman tadi. Maka sebelum terlambat, berhentilah meneriakkan hak asasi manusia. Kita punya kewajiban moral terhadap masa depan. Marilah kita tegaskan kewajiban asasi human dan menjadikannya landasan untuk melestarikan lima unsur pokok alami, yang jika disebut satu per satu berinisial H, U, K, U, M, yaitu ”Hutan”, ”Udara”, ”Kali”, ”Unsur kekayaan alam natural endowment”, ”Membumi”. Hutan bagai paru-paru yang berfungsi selaku alat pernapasan dan khazanah dari aneka jenis flora dan fauna. Udara perlu dijaga jangan sampai tercemar. Pencemaran berdampak bagai pilek. Ia menyerang si kaya, si miskin, tua dan muda, penduduk urban dan sektor pedesaan. Berhubung menyerang siapa saja, ia berdampak global. Kali adalah aliran dan persediaan air, baik yang berada di permukaan maupun di dalam bumi, di lapisan-lapisan dan pori-pori tanahnya. Air maha-penting bagi semua jenis kehidupan, baik konsumtif maupun produktif. Industri jelas perlu air berkualitas baik, jernih, dan belum tercemar. Namun, hak berproduksi bukanlah hak membuat polusi. Aliran air bukanlah saluran tempat pembuangan sampah. Ia bukan wadah alami bagi limbah beracun. Unsur kekayaan alam yang adalah our natural endowment bukan warisan Ibu Pertiwi yang boleh kita lalap seenaknya, tetapi pinjaman dari anak cucu yang harus bisa kita kembalikan dalam keadaan relatif utuh hingga masih bisa mereka manfaatkan demi kelangsungan hidup. Membumi berarti merawat tanah sebab kita perlu tempat berpijak. Kita tak hidup di awang-awang. Dan tanah bukan aset yang tak berharga. Demi pemilikan sejengkal tanah orang rela mati—sedumuk bathuk senyari bumi. Semua inisial tadi jika dirangkai membentuk akronim ”HUKUM”, hukum mendasar dari kelangsungan hidup kita, the basic law of our Joesoef, Alumnus Universite Pluridisciplinaires Pantheon-Sorbonne It has been clear for some time that the bail system in Ontario is not operating fairly. The failings of the bail process have long been a matter of discussion within Ontario’s criminal justice system. Recently in the Premier’s September 2016 mandate letter to the Attorney General, reform surrounding bail and remand continued to be a top priority for the province. The Premier tasked the Ministry with developing a bail strategy that “should establish clear, measurable outcomes and provide for regular and ongoing public reporting to Ontarians.”1 At the same time, the Premier mandated the Minister of Community Safety and Corrections to work with the Attorney General to develop and implement a targeted strategy to improve “the efficiency and effectiveness of Ontario’s criminal justice system in the area of bail and remand.”2 In November 2015, the Prime Minister mandated the Minister of Justice and the Attorney General of Canada to address bail reform as part of a larger modernization effort to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the criminal justice system. Legal Aid fully supports the need for a comprehensive strategy for bail reform and believes it can be a leader in both its development and its implementation. An overview As a matter of law, all accused persons are presumed innocent. The Criminal Code carefully defines and constricts the circumstances in which a person may be lawfully detained, or have his or her liberty restricted, prior to conviction. Unfortunately, the reality of how the law of bail is practiced in Ontario does not display the same protection for the presumption of innocence. Accused persons, including a significant number of Legal Aid clients, too often bear the brunt of this disconnect between the practical realities of bail and the overarching legal principles and protections accorded to by law. The majority of inmates at Ontario jails are not serving a sentence after having pled guilty or being found guilty. Instead, the majority of inmates have been remanded into custody awaiting a bail hearing or a trial. In fact, over the past 15 years, there has been an increase in this “remand population”, during a time in which the crime rate has remained constant or has fallen. Persons who are detained prior to trial are housed in overcrowded provincial institutions and “subject to the worst aspects of our correctional system”3, without access to recreational, work or rehabilitation programs that are available to persons who are serving a sentence. For persons with mental health and/or addiction issues, the lack of treatment programs available in remand facilities can have catastrophic and even life-threatening consequences. It is not without reason that the period of time that an accused spends in remand detention prior to trial is known colloquially in the criminal justice system as “dead time”.4 Detaining persons prior to trial and removing them from their community and access to counsel increase the likelihood of unjust convictions and/or more severe sentences after conviction. As noted by Justice Iacobucci in R. v. Hall, where an accused is denied access to bail he or she is “…rendered more likely to plead guilty, and, as a result, to waive the various safeguards against unjust conviction that the system provides”.5 Finally, the financial costs of holding an accused in custody prior to trial far exceed the costs of supervising in the community an accused who is awaiting trial. The 2012 Drummond Report on government spending found that the per diem cost of detaining an adult prior to trial is about $183 a day, as opposed to $5 a day for community supervision. The Report urged the Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services to work in tandem with the Ministry of the Attorney General “to address the growing challenge of increased custody remand”.6 The John Howard Society of Ontario in its 2013 report on bail “Reasonable Bail?” summarized the problems with bail in Ontario as follows “Less people are being released on bail, less quickly, and with more conditions, during a time of historically low, and still declining crime rates. These trends have not only impacted the amount of backlog in the criminal court processes, but have also had a dramatic impact on provincial remand populations. The net effect is significant expenditures on criminal justice processes on the taxpayers’ dime”.7 Impact of a failed bail process on legal aid clients As outlined above, the bail system is in dire need of repair. Legal Aid clients who are the most vulnerable in our society, members of Aboriginal groups and racialized minorities, and persons living with mental health and/or substance abuse issues, are disproportionately affected by the inequities in the bail process. Historically, LAO’s low financial eligibility has meant that 73% of the million Ontarians qualifying for legal aid certificates receive income support through Ontario’s two main income and employment support programs. Clients with mental health needs conservatively account for around $85 million – nearly 25% – of LAO’s yearly budget. Approximately 15% of LAO clients are Aboriginal, whereas Aboriginal people only comprise 2% of Ontario’s population. Several recent reports8 have documented the “racialization of poverty,” demonstrating that “racialized communities experience ongoing, disproportionate levels of poverty”.9 The discriminatory effect of the current bail system on the poor and persons living on the margins of society was aptly described by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association in its recent 2014 Report as follows “Legally innocent individuals are processed through a bail system that is chaotic and unnecessarily risk-averse and disproportionately penalizes and frequently criminalizes – poverty, addiction and mental health issues”.10 A number of other studies have also specifically documented how the current bail system in Ontario may prejudice LAO clients. A recent study of persons supervised by bail programs showed that over 40% of the group had mental health issues, 31% had recurring mental health and substance abuse issues, while one-third of this group identified themselves as Aboriginal people currently comprise 13% of persons in remand detention despite representing only 2% of Ontario’s In 1995, the Report of the Commission on Systemic Racism in the Ontario Criminal Justice System came to a “conclusion that is inescapable some black accused who were imprisoned before trial would not have been jailed if they had been white, and some white accused who were freed before trial would have been detained had they been black”.13 A 2002 study of bail courts in Toronto found that “race remains a significant predicator of pre-trial detention”, after controlling for relevant legal factors related to flight risk and danger to the public. The same study also found that black accused, after controlling for similar variables, tend to receive significantly more release conditions than Data published by Statistics Canada in 2008 showed that 43% of persons remanded into custody were unemployed, compared to the national average of at the time of the study. In 2000, the National Council of Welfare concluded, “the reason that accused persons are kept in custody for weeks and months before their trial is not because they are dangerous and poor, but mostly because they are poor”. In addition, the particular vulnerabilities of LAO client groups are only exacerbated by the failings of the Ontario bail system For Aboriginal accused persons living in remote communities, a decision by a police officer to hold the accused in detention pending a bail hearing, rather than craft a release with conditions, results in the accused being taken to a provincial detention centre many kilometres away without access to the very community supports that could support his or her release pending trial. Racialized and Aboriginal persons who are subject to over-policing practices and racial profiling are more likely to find themselves in pre-trial detention than those from non-racialized and non-Aboriginal backgrounds. The disproportionate effect of the bail process on LAO clients flows directly from how decisions about bail are made in this province. In particular, Ontario’s over-reliance on surety releases, and the far too frequent imposition of multiple and excessive conditions on any release order, serve to increase the likelihood of pre-trial detention. These two particular defects in the bail process have a specific impact on Legal Aid clients and are discussed in detail below. As documented in several recent reports15, it is not difficult to locate the reasons for the failure of Ontario’s bail process. These reasons – some of which are also specifically identified in the 2014 Premier’s Letter of Mandate to the Attorney General – are summarized below. 1 Police do not exercise authority to release from the scene Outside of a limited number of serious offences, the police are expected under the Criminal Code to release an accused with few conditions or restrictions on his or her liberty. The restrictions are largely geared to ensuring the protection of the public and the accused’s appearance at trial. Notwithstanding the clear legal rules authorizing the police to release, and a falling crime rate, there has been a notable decrease in the past 15 years in the police exercise of discretion to charge and release persons from the scene. Instead, the police have been much more prepared to place accused persons under arrest and detain them for a bail hearing. Between 2001 and 2007, the number of criminal cases in Ontario that started in bail court as opposed to a release from the scene by the police, for example increased by 38%.16 A number of recent reports addressing both the problems of bail and inefficiencies in the criminal justice system have identified the over-use of police detention practices as an area which requires These reports have been authored by parties from both outside and within the criminal justice system. All have recommended that the police make better and more expansive use of their lawful authority to release accused persons with conditions, rather than simply relying on their power to arrest and detain accused persons for a bail 2 Systemic delays in holding bail hearings Under the Criminal Code, all accused have the legal right to a timely bail hearing. The police are required to bring an accused before a justice of the peace for a bail hearing without unreasonable delay, within 24 hours if a justice is available, or as soon as practicable, if a justice is not available. A bail hearing may not be adjourned for more than three days without the consent of the accused. As was recently documented by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association CCLA, however, and in despite of these legal protections, there are “continued systemic violation of constitutional rights in Ontario bail courts.”19 In Ontario, unlike any other Canadian jurisdiction, accused persons are being forced to “languish in custody” simply because a court does not have the time to hold a bail hearing. The CCLA found that Ontario is experiencing unique problems of systemic delay during three weeks of observation, 20 people were returned to jail without having their cases heard simply because the court ran out of The CCLA also cited with approval an earlier academic study of the reasons for the rise of the remand population in Ontario. In that study, the length of time spent by accused persons waiting for a bail hearing and the increase in the number of people detained by the police, were identified as the two determinative factors leading to the dramatic increase in the remand population between 2001 and The study noted that during the same period of time in which the remand population was increasing, the percentage of accused persons who were detained following a bail hearing stayed relatively constant. The impact of delaying an accused’s legal right to a bail hearing cannot be underestimated. It is generally recognized that these delays increase the likelihood that an accused will feel compelled to plead guilty,22 or compelled to agree to onerous and unqualified release conditions, simply because there is no other way to be released from custody. Put bluntly, by not providing timely bail hearings, the likelihood of wrongful convictions, and the further criminalization of accused persons when they are unable to comply with the terms of their bail, are heightened. 3 Overuse of sureties as a requirement of judicial interim release The law of sureties and bail conditions Under the Criminal Code, all accused persons who have been detained pending a bail hearing may be released by entering into a recognizance with the supervision of a surety. The surety enters into an enforceable agreement with the Crown that, in the event the surety fails to abide by their responsibilities of supervision including notifying the police if the accused fails to comply with any release conditions, the surety will be indebted to the Crown for an agreed-upon amount. In addition to having sufficient financial resources, a surety must be someone who, because of his or her character, position of authority, and relationship and links to the accused, can ensure that the accused will attend court and comply with any and all conditions of pre-trial The general rule for determining bail conditions, including the use of a surety release, is that the presumption of innocence continues to apply and that “conditions of release ought to be approached with restraint and should only be imposed to the extent that are necessary to give effect to the criteria for release”.24 Further, Section 11e of the Charter guarantees that everyone charged with an offence has the right “not to be denied reasonable bail without just cause”. In R v. Pearson, Lamer articulated that “Reasonable bail” refers to the terms of bail. Thus the quantum of bail and the restrictions imposed on the accuser’s liberty while on bail must be “reasonable”.25 Following this general rule of restraint and the constitutional requirement for reasonable terms of bail, the Criminal Code mandates what has been called a “ladder approach” for determining the terms and conditions of an accused’s pre-trial release. A court must start from an assumption that the accused should be released with the least onerous conditions undertaking without conditions and may only move up the “ladder” and impose more onerous terms and conditions requiring a surety and conditions after concluding that the lower “rungs” are insufficient to authorize the accused’s release from Further, the Crown must show cause for each increasingly restrictive form of The reality of surety releases in Ontario A surety release is one of the most onerous forms of release, short of a cash deposit. As a result, the ladder approach would dictate that requiring a surety would be an exceptional form of release and not a common In actual fact, in Ontario the use of surety releases, as pointed out by the John Howard Society in its recent report, “has become increasingly entrenched, irrespective of the ladder approach that the Criminal Code directs.”29 Recent studies show that the use of surety releases in Ontario exceeds that of all other jurisdictions in Canada, other than the Yukon. A 2013 CCLA observational study of bail courts in Ontario found that of those released on bail on consent or after a contested hearing were required to have a surety supervise their bail. Specifically, when the accused was released after a contested hearing, were required to have a The CCLA also found that of accused persons released on bail were required to reside with their surety, and to comply with any rule that the surety imposed in their home. The same study found that the same observational study of bail courts in British Columbia and Manitoba showed that sureties were never required, even after a show cause hearing. A study published in 2009 found that of accused in a select number of observed bail courts in Ontario were required to have a surety to obtain their release from pre-trial The report of the Ministry of the Attorney General’s expert panel on bail also found that “it is common practice in Ontario to require an accused person who is being released on bail to provide a surety”.32 There is no evidence that the use of sureties, as opposed to a less onerous form of release, provides any more assurance that the accused will comply with the conditions of his or her bail. As cited above, in contrast to Ontario, British Columbia and Manitoba do not require sureties to supervise an accused’s bail, and yet the charge and conviction rates for failing to comply with a bail order in those provinces are almost identical to those of Ontario. In the western provinces, the use of surety bails is reserved for serious offences and where the accused has been arrested after being released on a less onerous form of Ontario does offer an alternative to surety release, through its bail verification and supervision programs34, to accused persons who lack a suitable surety but are otherwise candidates for release. As their name suggests these programs employ a two-stage progress, with screening “verification” as a precursor to acceptance for supervision. Ontario’s bail verification and supervision programs are delivered through contracted agencies35 and are not available province-wide. The Ministry of the Attorney General’s expert panel on bail found in 2013 that local knowledge and use of the programs varies across the communities in which they are In British Columbia, by contrast, bail supervision is delivered directly by the province, through the Community Corrections Division of the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General. The provincial probation service provides community supervision to over 22,000 individuals each year, including over 7,500 persons who are subject to a bail The over-reliance on surety releases in Ontario delays the bail process, as accused persons often must seek adjournments to put together a “release plan”, and the surety must be available to attend court to testify and be cross-examined under Requiring proposed sureties to testify during bail hearings decreases the number of bail hearings that can be held in court each day, and thus lengthens the delay faced by all accused awaiting a bail hearing. It has long been recognized that a streamlined process for surety releases, including not requiring viva voce evidence, would significantly advance the just and timely determination of bail The Canadian Civil Liberties Association, the John Howard Society of Ontario and the Fourth Annual Criminal Justice Symposium have all recommended a reduction in the use of sureties as the preferred form of judicial pre-trial release. Discriminatory effects on Legal Aid clients The over-reliance on surety releases effectively discriminates against accused persons, many of whom are Legal Aid clients, who do not have access to persons in the community with sufficient private resources or standing to qualify as sureties. More specifically, the over-reliance on surety releases is particularly prejudicial for members of marginalized populations, including those with mental health and/or addiction issues who may not have support from family and/or friends to act as a surety. It stands to reason that these clients will have a much harder time finding a suitable surety, than would an accused with a higher income level and who may enjoy better family and other private support As pointed out by the CCLA Individuals without a job, property, strong family support or ties to the middle-class social networks often struggle to find a suitable surety and stable housing. As a consequence, accused persons without sufficient resources and social supports to secure a surety are more likely to find themselves in remand custody pending trial and for a longer period time than other accused persons who have a suitable surety and release plan. For Aboriginal accused who are from the remote communities in Ontario, there are additional barriers created by the use of sureties as the preferred form of release. These accused are often, on arrest, flown out of their communities and detained in custody many kilometres away from their home. As a result, their ability to contact a potential surety, and have that surety attend at court, is severely if not irretrievably It is only in limited parts of the province that efforts have been made to improve this situation by allowing sureties to appear by way of video from their local police station, rather than travel to the actual court house holding the bail hearing. Jonathan Rudin, in his report to the Ipperwash Commission, found that the detention of Aboriginal accused is often the result of the “systemic conditions of Aboriginal people”. Many of those arrested have little income, no jobs, and are often homeless. In addition, these individuals may have previous convictions for failure to attend court or failure to comply with a bail condition or a probation order. All of these factors combine to make the Aboriginal accused person seem less likely to appear for court if released and thus either detained absolutely, or required to obtain surety to gain Although it is appropriate that the amount ordered in a recognizance is “relatively substantial to the accused and/or his/her sureties, it is inappropriate to set bail at a figure which effectively detains the accused person”.43 Thus, to secure the release of the accused, it is imperative that the quantum of bail does not exceed what a surety can pledge in relation to his or her means. However, it must be recognized that for accused persons, and particularly Legal Aid clients, these amounts may still be beyond the means of their proposed sureties. Further, of greatest concern is the reality that accused persons of vulnerable backgrounds may only have potential sureties of no means, and as a result, without the likelihood of securing their release. The CCLA 2013 study found that the amount of bail was set at a mean of $3,004 and at a median of $1,000. A 1999 study of bail found that about 50% of consent release cases required more than $1,000 to be promised on behalf of the accused. Professor Martin Friedland, one of the architects of the Bail Reform Act which formed the basis for the present law of bail in Canada, has suggested that the increased requirement of surety releases effectively creates a danger of re-introducing “security in advance” as a common condition of pre-trial Risk avoidance, or what has been called “organizational risk aversion,”45 has become entrenched at the bail stage of the criminal justice process. It fuels over-reliance on surety release and the imposition of too many, often unrealistic, bail conditions, despite the “ladder approach” mandated by the Criminal Code. Eliminating organizational risk aversion may never be possible. However, revised ministry policies could help to influence the decision-making of police and crown attorneys. Improved training or strengthened educational requirements for justices of the peace, who preside over the majority of bail hearings, could strengthen their skills and confidence in making bail orders that are consistent with the Code’s 4 Too many conditions attached to release The law of bail conditions As discussed, the Criminal Code mandates that courts should exercise restraint in imposing conditions when ordering the accused’s interim release. A court can only impose a specific condition after concluding that the Crown has met its onus to show that the accused’s appearance at trial, and public safety, cannot be adequately protected by a less onerous form of release. Importantly, if an accused is arrested while out on bail for violating a condition of his or her release or for a subsequent offence, the usual onus is reversed and the burden is placed on the accused to justify his or her release from detention pending trial and to demonstrate why the most onerous release conditions should not be imposed by the court. The Criminal Code provides a mechanism for an accused to challenge the legality of a judicial pre-trial detention order, or the conditions attached to a judicial interim release order. As a general matter, a Superior court may on a bail review set aside a detention order or any conditions attached to the judicial interim release order if the court finds that the original lower court made an error in law or there has been substantial change since the issuing of the original release order. Reality of bail conditions The law imposes strict limits on the imposition of terms and conditions on bail release. The reality, however, is that many accused are subject to multiple conditions that are unrelated either to the need to ensure his or her appearance at trial or to protect the publicThese conditions often seek to restrict the accused’s personal behaviour that is unrelated to the charged offence, or even criminal behaviour in general, but over which the accused has had difficulties in the past. Examples of these kinds of conditions include non-alcohol orders for those with substance abuse issues, and residency requirements for persons who are The subsequent failure of the accused to abide by these conditions may result in his or her arrest on the charge of fail to comply which makes his or her detention pending trial on the original charge even more likely. The Canadian Civil Liberties Association in its observational study of bail courts found that in Ontario accused persons were released with between six and seven conditions attached to their bail. The same study found that of all releases in Ontario required the accused to attend treatment or counselling, while required the accused to report to a program within a specified period of time. More than half of all releases 52% imposed geographical restrictions on where the accused could be found while out on bail. of accused persons were required to abstain from the use of alcohol. The John Howard Society of Ontario’s study pointed out that, of the 158 clients with current alcohol or drug use issues who were granted bail and placed in a supervision program, about 81% were given conditions requiring them not to consume alcohol or to abstain from drugs. Other research has shown that youths have an average of six bail conditions placed on them, “with most receiving relatively broad conditions such as obey the rules of the house”.48 The prejudicial effect of “behavioural” bail conditions on the life of an accused who must comply with them cannot be underestimated. These conditions provide stringent limits on the accused’s liberty even though the accused has yet to be convicted of a criminal offence. In many circumstances, these kinds of behavioural restrictions, because they are unrelated to purposes of bail, are illegal and These onerous conditions are invariably experienced by accused persons as punishment before a finding of The true adverse impact of the use of behavioural conditions as part of bail releases flows from the likelihood that an accused will be unable to comply with those conditions. Research shows that the imposition of multiple conditions on a bail order, along with the length of the accused’s release, increases the likelihood that the accused will breach those conditions and be charged with a fail to comply offence. Over the past 10 years, the rise in the use of multiple behavioural conditions has been accompanied with a corresponding rise in the number of charges of failing to comply with a bail order. Between 2006 and 2012, the number of charges of failing to comply with a bail order increased by 27%. The rise in the number of fail to comply with bail orders is the main factor that has increased the number of fail to comply charges as a whole. In turn, the most common reason for an accused person to be detained prior to trial is that the accused was arrested while out on bail and charged with a failure to comply with a condition of his or her Within the criminal justice system, a conviction for a breach of a bail condition is particularly prejudicial to an accused since it denotes a failure to abide by court orders and the rules of the administration of justice generally. It makes the accused person’s release pending trial on any subsequent charge much more In fact, a failure to comply with a bail condition is the most common reason for a person to be admitted to pre-trial As noted by Professor Cheryl Webster, the overuse of restrictive bail conditions, and the inevitable resulting charges for breaching those conditions, has created a “vicious circle…whereby the criminal justice system manufactures, in effect, its own Both the 2012 and 2013 Annual Canadian Criminal Justice Symposiums, discussing the topics of bail and mental health respectively, strongly recommended against the imposition of multiple bail conditions on interim release orders. The recently convened national 5th Annual Criminal Justice Symposium specifically noted that “careful consideration should be given to the conditions imposed upon release from custody to avoid setting up the individual for failure”. 55 Effect on legal aid clients The imposition of bail conditions that are directed largely to improving the behaviour of the accused is particularly prejudicial to Legal Aid clients, many of whom may be homeless and have mental health issues and/or substance abuse problems. The imposition of conditions that are geared to controlling these kinds of personal issues and problems often result clients being arrested again for breaching those terms of release, and being detained pending trial. The effect of these conditions has particularly adverse affects on marginalized persons in society These conditions have particularly dramatic impacts on marginalized individuals, who may find themselves legally prohibited from accessing the basic welfare services that they need in order to survive as a result of overlapping, stringent restrictions on location, contact and movement. The CCLA has recommended that to address the number of illegal and unreasonable bail conditions, and their adverse impact on marginalized groups, enhanced public funding should be provided to support and expand “purposive, rapid targeted bail reviews”. These bail reviews could be directed towards challenging particularly onerous but commonly issued bail conditions that are unrelated to the purposes of bail. LAO plays a major role in Ontario’s criminal justice system. It is estimated that about 60% of matters in the Ontario Court of Justice are Legal Aid cases. Representing criminal accused in bail proceedings is a fundamental role for duty counsel. LAO estimates that duty counsel represent 80% of criminal accused in bail hearings in Ontario. In addition, through the certificate system, LAO provides funding to private lawyers to conduct bail hearings, to bring bail reviews and to represent clients who have been charged with failing to comply with the terms of their bail. Bail hearings Certificate lawyers billed for 9,172 bail proceedings on all criminal certificates issued in 2012-13; 8,728 in 2013-14; 8,872 in 2014-15; and 6,930 in Duty counsel conducted 37,031 bail hearings in 2012-13; 33,594 in 2013-14; 33,066 in 2014-15; and 31,641 in 2015-16. Bail reviews LAO issued 546 certificates with a bail review authorization in 2012-13; 474 in 2013-14 and 321 billed to date in 2014-15. In each of the years between 2009-2015, LAO issued an average of 551 bail review certificates a year. However, from 2009 to 2014, authorized certificates for bail reviews decreased from 692 to 460 a year. Impact on LAO costs LAO’s own costs have been affected by what the CCLA has called the “revolving door” of bail decision-making, whereby an accused is released on unreasonable conditions that inevitably result in a further “administration of justice” charge and the detention of the accused. 50% of LAO certificates issued for the defence of a new charge have an administration of justice charge covered on the certificate. 8% of all criminal certificates are issued for an administration of justice charge alone. The cost of certificates where an administration of justice charge is the only charge on the certificate is approximately $ million per year. As an institution, LAO has for many years worked with other stakeholders to improve the efficiency of the bail process by improving its role in advancing Justice on Target and promoting an effective use of available technology. LAO senior staff participated in the recent Bail Expert Table that was established by Justice on Target to provide advice on potential improvements to the bail process. On the local level, LAO staff is actively involved in court management committees with the bar, private defence counsel and the Crown. Finally, both LAO’s Aboriginal Justice Strategy and LAO’s consultations to develop a Mental Health Strategy have documented the disproportionate adverse effect of the inequities of the bail process on Aboriginal persons and persons with mental health and addiction issues. Importantly, LAO’s bail system initiatives will not be developed in a policy vacuum, but rather in a manner that recognizes and works to address the connections and intersections that affect the vulnerable low-income client groups that LAO serves. Further, LAO’s ongoing consultations with the Violence Against Women VAW community, most particularly in support of the development of a dedicated LAO Domestic Violence Strategy, ensure that LAO’s work on bail initiatives is situated within a broader context that acknowledges the risks faced by victims of domestic violence and the need to provide this vulnerable group with access to appropriate services. LAO’s involvement in the bail process, on both a micro and a macro level, makes it well suited to develop its own initiatives to address the problems of bail in Ontario, and to identify other opportunities for a co-ordinated response with other stakeholders. Some of the ideas that may be considered by LAO or have recently been adopted by LAO to improve bail include the following 1. Improve Efficiency of LAO Services Continue to explore ways in which information can be shared between the Brydges telephone duty counsel who assist a client upon arrest and detention, and between different duty counsel who may represent the client on the same or different matters. Developing better systems for “service integration” and sharing of information between different duty counsel who may represent the client on the same or different matters. Continue to collaborate with other stakeholders to develop policies and local best practices to ensure that matters are dealt with in an appropriate order, allowing time for discussions between Crown and defence counsel to occur, sureties to arrive, and sureties to be prepared for a hearing. 2. Support Duty Counsel Services Continue LAO’s commitment to staffing bail courts with duty counsel whenever the courts are open and are conducting bail hearings, including a renewed commitment to staffing weekend and statutory holiday WASH court. Target particular jurisdictions for enhanced support to introduce “best practices” to challenge and litigate improper practices by both Crown and judicial decision-makers. Included in these best practices would be access to immediate and effective bail reviews for clients “Bail Court Blitz”. Continue to provide and upgrade LAO’s “hands-on” training for duty counsel on representing clients at a bail hearing. 3. Support Private Bar Services LAO has identified bail as a key area for its first wave of expanded legal eligibility. Expanded legal eligibility to allow more clients to have unreasonable bail conditions varied. Expanded legal eligibility to allow more clients to have certificate representation on a second bail hearing after they have been arrested while out on bail. Expanded legal eligibility coverage to allow more clients to challenge illegal detentions and unreasonable bail conditions. Expanded use of test case funding. 4. Support Particularly Vulnerable Clients The Mentally Ill Provide resources and supports to both private lawyers and duty counsel to ensure that restrictive conditions, including requirements for treatment, that relate to the mental health of the accused, are not as a matter of course required by the Crown, or imposed by a court, as a condition of judicial interim release. All counsel should be in a position to challenge these kinds of conditions unless the client, with full knowledge of his or her rights, has instructed counsel to agree to the conditions as a term of release. Both private lawyers and duty counsel should be supported to ensure that any conditions that are imposed on a client with mental health issues recognize the rights of the client. Connect an accused with mental health services, to stabilize accused and make him or her a better candidate for diversion.”57 Develop “peer support systems” to assist an accused with mental health58 or substance abuse issues to meet the conditions of his or her bail, by assisting with travel, keeping appointments and court appearances, managing paperwork and living with supervision. Develop with other stakeholders a “specialty bail system” for accused with mental health disabilities and addictions. This “mental health bail court” could facilitate and coordinate specialized services and procedures while removing the more complex and time-intensive cases from the general bail system stream. Aboriginal Expand use of Gladue submissions at bail stage to provide better information on the background, personal history, circumstances and available Aboriginal resources or services upon release. Provide co-ordinated training to both duty counsel and private bar on making Gladue submissions at a bail hearing. Ongoing and updated training on how to properly interview Aboriginal clients, on the traditional and cultural background of Aboriginal people and on available services. Support use of video appearance for potential sureties from remote locations, to lessen travel and delay for court appearances. Racialized Communities Provide co-ordinated training to both duty counsel and the private bar on representation of persons from racialized communities. Ongoing and updated training for both duty counsel and the private bar on effective cross-cultural communication techniques. Expanded translation services Identifying culturally appropriate and targeted support services for persons seeking bail. Youth Develop a strategy to promote the values of the Youth Criminal Justice Act YCJA at the bail stage, including addressing the over-reliance on custody as a social measure to detain young persons, contrary to YCJA. Provide coordinated training to both duty counsel and private bar on making submissions at a bail hearing for young persons charged with criminal offences. 5. Expand “Rapid and Targeted” Bail Reviews As part of expanded legal eligibility, LAO has increased the scope of LAO-funded bail reviews to include review of conditions and to authorize “public interest” bail reviews. LAO has also increased the number of hours that private counsel may bill on a bail review. Authorize duty counsel to bring immediate bail reviews, in appropriate circumstances, on behalf of clients for whom LAO has provided representation at the bail hearing. Authorize LAO staff lawyers to bring targeted bail reviews, in appropriate circumstances, to challenge commonly attached but illegal bail conditions. Pre-authorize high quality criminal defence lawyers, such as members of LAO’s Complex Case Rate Panel, to bring bail reviews without requiring merit assessment and approval by LAO. Develop similar initiatives for youth bail matters by way of a bail de novo – of the YCJA. 6. Joint initiatives with Other Stakeholders Develop with both Crown and Judiciary “Model Bail Rules” that will set out the law and governing principles of bail, as well as documenting best practices. These Model Bail Rules would be relied on by all parties and decision-makers in the bail process. For example, the rules would inform Crowns, in exercising their discretion to request sureties and bail conditions; duty counsel and defence lawyers, in advising clients and advocating for less restrictive forms of release; and the judiciary, in making the final decision of granting bail, imposing bail conditions and requiring sureties. Work with other branches of government and community service providers to arrange for greater access for accused persons to transitional residences, and additional and more flexible community options for the release of accused persons prior to trial. 7. Improve LAO Data about Bail Bail hearings Certificate vs duty counsel representation Trends over the last one to five years by region, type of charge and vulnerable client group. Bail reviews Trends over past one to five years in number of bail review authorizations by region, type of charge and vulnerable client group. Success rates for certificate applications for bail review authorizations. Time required to obtain bail review authorization. What do counsel ask for on discretion, and what does LAO pay? Questions and comments can be addressed directly to Marcus Pratt, Director, Policy and Strategic Research by email at prattm Footnotes for 1. Introduction Ontario, “September 2016 Mandate letter Attorney General, Premier’s instructions to the Minister on priorities” 23 September 2016 online Back to report Ontario, “September 2016 Mandate letter Community Safety and Correctional Services Premier’s instructions to the Minister on priorities ” 23 September 2016 online Back to report Footnotes for 2. The problems with the bail system in Ontario R v. Hall 2002 SCC 64 at para 118, [2002] 3 SCR 309, Iacobucci J dissenting in the result [Hall]. Back to report See statements by the Minister of Community Safety and Correctional Services in 2016 describing the “appalling” and “unacceptable” conditions for inmates held in the Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre, many of whom are on remand, cited in Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre Task Force Action Plan at Introduction, online Back to report Ibid at para 59. Iacobucci J dissenting, quoting with approval from Herbert. L. Packer, The Limits of the Criminal Sanction California Stanford University Press 1968 at 215. Back to report “Commission on the Reform of Ontario’s Public Services”, Public Services for Ontarians A Path to Sustainability and Excellence, 2012 at 354, online Back to report “Reasonable Bail?”, John Howard Society of Ontario, September 2013 at 3, online [“Reasonable Bail”]. Back to report “The Hidden Epidemic A Report on Child and Family Poverty in Toronto”, Children’s Aid Society of Toronto,November 2014, online “Falling Behind Ontario’s Backslide into Widening Inequality, Growing Poverty and Cuts to Social Programs”, A Report of the Ontario Common Front, 2012 online “Poverty Profile A Snapshot of Racialized Poverty in Canada” National Council of Welfare, 2012, online ; Sheila Block, “Ontario’s Growing Gap The Role of Race and Gender”, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, June 2010,online “Colour of Poverty Understanding the Racialization of Poverty in Ontario”, series of factsheets, 2007. Back to report “Colour of Poverty Understanding the Racialization of Poverty in Ontario, An Introduction in 2007, Fact Sheet 1″2007 at 1, online Back to report “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at 1. Back to report “Reasonable Bail?”, supra note 5 at 12 Back to report Samuel Perrault, “Admissions to adult correctional services in Canada, 2011/2012”, Ottawa StatCan, 20 March 2014, online Back to report “Report of the Commission on Systemic Racism in the Ontario Criminal Justice System”, Commission on Systemic Racism in the Ontario Criminal Justice System, Toronto Queen’s Printer for Ontario, at v, online Back to report Gail Kellough & Scot Wortley, “Remand for Bail Bail Decisions and Plea Bargaining as Commensurate Decisions” 2002 42 Brit J Crim, as explained in Akawsi Owusu-Bempa & Scot Wortley, “Race, Crime and Criminal Justice in Canada” in Sandra M. Bucerius & Michael H. Tonry eds The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime and Immigration, Oxford, UK Oxford University Press, 2013 at 292. Back to report Footnotes for 3. Reasons for a filing bail system See “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 3; “Reasonable Bail”, supra note 8; Professor Cherly Webster, “Broken Bail in Canada How We Might Go About Fixing It”. Report prepared for Justice Canada, 2015. Released in February 2016 and “Report of the 5th Annual Criminal Justice Symposium”, Montreal January 18-19, 2013. Back to report See CM Webster, AN Doob & NM Myers, “The Parable of Ms. Baker Understanding Pre-Trial Detention in Canada” 2009 211 Current Issues in Criminal Justice 79 [Webster, Doob & Myers, “Pre-Trial”] in “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at footnote 19. Back to report See for example, “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 3; “Reasonable Bail”, supra note 8; “Bail Experts Table Recommendations”, Justice on Target, Ministry of the Attorney General, Province of Ontario, online and “Re-inventing Criminal Justice The Fourth National Symposium Final Report”, The Fourth National Criminal Justice Symposium, British Columbia, 13/14, January 2012; Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre Task Force, 2016 at recommendations 13 and 14, online Back to report In May 2016 the Ministry of the Attorney General launched a six month pre-trial custody project in Ottawa to provide prosecutorial advice to the police on release and bail decisions. The project will assess whether the use of Crowns early in the bail process can result in a reduction in the use of police remands into custody. Online Back to report “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at 2. Back to report Ibid. Back to report Webster, Doob & Myers, “Pre-Trial”, supra note 14. Back to report For example, in R v. Daibes, 2015 ONSC, the court found a miscarriage of justice to have occurred, and set aside the accused’s guilty plea. The court found that the accused entered the plea in order to secure his release from custody, and after being improperly being denied the opportunity to enter into a residential surety recognizance, and after he was not made aware of the availability of a potential surety. Back to report Gary Trotter, The Law of Bail in Canada, 3d ed Toronto Thomson Reuters at 7-18. [Trotter, “Bail”]. Back to report Ibid Back to report R v. Pearson, [1992] 3 SCR 665 at page 689, Lamer CJ. Back to report Trotter, “Bail”, supra note 20 at Back to report R v. Cole, 2002 SCC 53, [2012] 3 SCR 34. Back to report That is a common practice and the conclusion reached by Nicole M. Myers, “Shifting Risk Bail and the Use of Sureties” 2009, 21 Current Issues in Criminal Justice 127 at 21. Back to report “Reasonable Bail”, supra note 5 at 7. Back to report “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at 36.. Back to report Ibid at 37. Back to report “Bail Experts Table Recommendations”, Justice on Target. Ministry of the Attorney General., Province of Ontario, at 22, online Back to report “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at 40. Back to report Available in 17 Ontario communities as of early 2014 “Successful Bail Program Expanding to Kingston”, Ontario Ministry of the Attorney General press release December 29, 2013, online Back to report Chiefly the John Howard Society of Ontario, although the Elizabeth Fry Society offers a program in the Sudbury area. Back to report “Bail Experts Table Recommendations”, supra, at 15. Back to report “A Profile of Corrections October 2013, online at 18. Back to report Ibid at 2. Back to report “The Final Report on Early Case Considerations of the Steering Committee on Justice Efficiencies and Access to the Justice System.”, Department of Justice, 2006, online Back to report See “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at Back to report See “Report on Fly-in Court Operations, Toronto 2013, in “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at 110. Back to report Jonathan Rudin, “Aboriginal Peoples and the Criminal Justice System”. Paper prepared for the Ipperwash Inquiry, 2006, at 53, online Back to report See Trotter, “Bail”, supra note 20 at 6-22, with reference to, R v. Sexton 1976, 33 CRNS 307 Nfld Dist Ct; R v. Cichanski 1976, 25 CCC 2d 84 Ont HC; and R v. Cooke 1973, 10 CCC 2d 111 NB QB. Back to report Martin L. Friedland,”The Bail Reform Act Revisited” 2012, 16 Canadian Criminal Law Review 315 at. Back to report “Reasonable Bail”, supra at 7. Back to report Pursuant to s. 15 of the Justices of the Peace Act, 1990, a candidate must possess a university degree or diploma in order to be qualified as a justice of the peace; a law degree is not a requirement. Back to report As recently noted by a sitting Justice of the Peace, too often in bail court the “law goes out the window, and cynicism and bullying kick in” to take advantage of “…the fact that people will agree to just about anything to regain their freedom and go back to their families and daily routines” Julie Lauzon J, “Our bail system is broken Ottawa justice of the peace”, Ottawa Sun 15 March 2016 online Back to report Jane B. Sprout & Nicole M. Myers, “Set Up to Fail The Unintended Consequences of Multiple Bail Conditions” 2011 534 Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice 404. [Sprout & Myers, “Unintended Consequences”]. Back to report “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1, citing recent case law. Back to report Sprout & Myers, “Unintended Consequences”, supra note 38, in “Reasonable Bail”, supra note 5 at 10. Back to report Lindsay Porter and Donna Calverly, “Trends in the Use of Remand in Canada” Trends in the Use of Remands in Canada”, Ottawa Juristat, 2011., in “Set Up To Fail”, supra note 1 at 8, Back to report The recommendations of both the Canadian 2012 and 2013 Annual Criminal Justice Symposiums, dealing with the topics of bail and mental health and the criminal justice system respectively, both cautioned against the imposition of bail conditions in order to avoid setting up the “…setting up the individual for failure.” “Report of the 5th Annual Criminal Justice Symposium”, Montreal January 18-19, 2013. See also “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 1 at 63. Back to report Porter and Calverly, “Trends in the Use of Remand in Canada”, supra note 52; in “Set Up to Fail”, supra note 32 at 8 Back to report See, “Broken Bail in Canada How We Might Go About Fixing It”. Report prepared for Justice Canada, 2015. Released in February 2016. Back to report “Report of the 5th Annual Criminal Justice Symposium”, Montreal January 18-19, 2013 at recommendation 24. See also Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre Task Force, supra note 18 at recommendation 19. Back to report Footnotes for 4. LAO and bail This year is likely under-reported as some of the certificates have yet to be billed. Back to report Footnotes for 5. LAO’s initiatives to improve bail “Report of the 5th Annual Criminal Justice Symposium”, Montreal January 18-19, 2013 at recommendation 22. Back to report “Report of the 5th Annual Criminal Justice Symposium”, Montreal January 18-19, 2013 at recommendation 24. Back to report Humans are creatures who have desires or desires within themselves. Marriage is one of the desires and obligations of a human being which is a command from Allah SWT. Marriage has a goal, namely to build a sakinah mawaddah warrahmah family, to make it happen, knowledge and commitment of husband and wife are needed in carrying out their respective rights and obligations. However, in reality there are still many husbands and wives who ignore their rights and obligations and ultimately lead to domestic violence. The purpose of this study is to find out how the impact of neglecting the rights and obligations of husband and wife on domestic violence and to find out the law of neglecting the rights and obligations of husband and wife according to Islamic law and law. This study uses a qualitative method through a descriptive approach. Data collection techniques were obtained from the results of interviews and document studies. The results of this study indicate that the factors and impacts of neglecting the rights and obligations of husband and wife on domestic violence are as follows 1 Communication factor, lack of communication between husband and wife, causing difficulties in establishing cooperation between the two. 2 Economic factors, lack of a husband's sense of responsibility in terms of providing a living, so that the wife has to earn her own money and does not depend on her husband. 3 Social factors, there are no social boundaries between husband and wife so that the rights and obligations in the household are not fulfilled. Keywords Impact of Neglect, Rights and Obligations, Husband and Wife, Domestic Violence. Discover the world's research25+ million members160+ million publication billion citationsJoin for free As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 216 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 Perceraian Era Pandemi Covid-19 Analisis Meningkatnya Perceraian di Kota Tangerang Madhori1, Tasya Ramadhini2, Fakhry Afifurrahman3, Isra Islamiyah4, Ridho Bayu Samudra5, Toddy Aditya6 1,2,3,4,5,6 Prodi Ilmu Pemerintahan, Universitas Muhammadiyah Tangerang, Indonesia. ABSTRACT. During the COVID-19 pandemic, divorce cases in the city of Tangerang experienced an increase. In particular, this paper aims to identify how high divorce cases occurred during the pandemic, but also to analyze the factors/conditions that led to an increase in divorce cases based on the results of religious court decisions regarding divorce. This study uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive analytical approach that utilizes data sourced from scientific articles in Google Scholar, Garuda, Sinta and journals managed by various institutions. The understanding of divorce in marriage according to the Islamic point of view is the last door when there is no way out to solve problems that occur in the household. And in article 39 of the marriage law it is explained that divorce can only be carried out in front of a court session and not with a court decision. The divorce rate in Tangerang City throughout 2021 is 3,545 cases. This figure has increased by about 14 percent compared to 2020 with 3,041 cases. In 2020 the highest cause of divorce is economic with 6,001 cases, and in 2021 the highest cause of divorce is disputes and quarrels with 2,026 cases. This increase in divorce certainly results in several impacts, such as psychological weakness in children, traumatic events, changes in roles and status, to difficulty adjusting. The government needs to pay special attention to increasing divorce cases by optimizing mediation by religious courts. Keywords Divorce, Covid-19, Tangerang City ABSTRAK. Pada masa pandemi covid-19 kasus perceraian di kota Tangerang mengalami peningkatan. Secara khusus tulisan ini selain bertujuan mengidentifikasi seberapa tingginya kasus perceraian yang terjadi selama pandemi, juga menganalisis faktor/kondisi yang menyebabkan peningkatan kasus perceraian yang terjadi berdasarkan hasil putusan pengadilan agama tentang perceraian. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analitis yang memanfaatkan data bersumber dari artikel ilmiah dalam Google Scholar, Garuda, Sinta dan jurnal yang dikelola oleh berbagai institusi. Pengertian dari perceraian dalam pernikahan menurut sudut pandang Islam merupakan pintu terakhir ketika tidak ada jalan keluar menyelesaikan problem yang terjadi dalam rumah tangga. Serta dalam pasal 39 undang-undang perkawinan dijelaskan bahwa perceraian hanya dapat dilakukan di depan sidang Pengadilan dan bukan dengan putusan Pengadilan. Tingkat perceraian di Kota Tangerang sepanjang 2021 sebanyak perkara. Angka tersebut mengalami peningkatan sekitar 14 persen dibandingkan tahun 2020 dengan jumlah perkara. Pada tahun 2020 penyebab perceraian tertinggi ialah ekonomi sebanyak perkara, dan di tahun 2021 penyebab perceraian tertinggi ialah perselisihan dan pertengkaran sebanyak perkara. Peningkatan perceraian ini tentu mengakibatkan beberapa dampak seperti lemahnya psikologis pada anak, terjadinya traumatik, perubahan peran dan status hingga sulitnya penyesuaian diri. Pemerintah perlu memberi perhatian khusus dalam peningkatan kasus perceraian dengan mengoptimalkan mediasi oleh pengadilan agama. As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 217 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 Kata kunci Perceraian, Covid-19, Kota Tangerang PENDAHULUAN Di masa pandemi covid 19 kasus perceraian di tangerang mengalami peningkatan yang signifikan. faktor ekonomi yang mengalami penurunan berdampak pada perubahan sistem ekonomi rumah tangga, baik dalam hal pemasukan maupun pengeluaran. Pengadilan Agama PA Tangerang mencatat, tingkat perceraian di Kota Tangerang sepanjang 2021 sebanyak perkara. Angka tersebut mengalami peningkatan sekitar 14 persen dibandingkan tahun 2020 dengan jumlah perkara Rianti, 2022. Yuni, 2021 melihat bahwa dampak pandemi Covid - 19 dan Penerapan PPKM terhadap ketahanan keluarga sangat dirasakan. Tingkat stres masing-masing keluarga dengan adanya PHK, pengurangan penghasilan, secara daring yang menyebabkan kejemuan pada anak-anak serta para orang tua, terutama seorang ibu yang hanya penting berkaitan dengan urusan rumah tangga harus berperan sebagai seorang guru, dan kebersamaan di rumah yang terlalu lama juga dapat menimbulkan stres bagi semua anggota keluarga. Selain itu, ketidaksiapan pasangan dalam membina rumah tangga juga menjadi penyebab terjadinya perceraian di era pandemi saat ini. Literatur terdahulu tentang meningkatnya perceraian di era pandemic memiliki tiga pembahasan utama. Pertama, studi yang melihat perceraian di era pandemic terjadi karena faktor ekonomi, poligami, kekerasan dalam rumah tangga, dan konflik internal Imaduddin, 2021. Kedua, studi yang melihat meningkatnya perceraian di era pandemic disebabkan banyaknya para pekerja yang terkena PHK, hal tersebut kemudian menimbulkan problem ekonomi pada rumah tangga Anisa, 2021. Ketiga, studi yang melihat kurangnya interaksi dan komunikasi yang menjadi faktor penyebab perceraian Ramadhani & Nurwati, 2021. Dari ketiga kecenderungan di atas, perceraian dianalisis sebagai fenomena sosial yang bermuara kepada problem ekonomi. Tujuan artikel ini berusaha melihat kasus perceraian di era pandemic berdasarkan hasil putusan pengadilan agama tentang perceraian. Pada dasarnya data dari pengadilan agama sangatlah penting sebagai bukti kepada masyarakat atas meningkatnya kasus perceraian. Secara khusus tulisan ini selain bertujuan mengidentifikasi seberapa tingginya kasus perceraian yang terjadi selama pandemi, juga menganalisis faktor/kondisi yang menyebabkan peningkatan kasus perceraian yang terjadi. Jawaban atas dua tujuan tersebut memungkinkan dipahaminya bagaimana kasus perceraian selama pandemic bisa meningkat dengan signifikan. Peningkatan kasus perceraian selama pandemic disebabkan oleh kondisi/faktor yang kompleks, tidak hanya internal tetapi juga dapat terjadi karena faktor eksternal. Faktor internal Keterbatasan ekonomi menjadi salah satu sumber perceraian, permasalahan tersebut bermula karena kepala keluarga yang tidak maksimal dalam As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 218 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 memberikan nafkah lahir kepada istri, Ketidakmampuan dalam berinovasi dan mencari peluang usaha juga merupakan faktor bagaiamana kesulitan ekonomi bisa terjadi. Selain itu, pasangan yang tidak mampu menjalani peran sehingga tidak dapat mencapai tujuan rumah tangga yang telah mereka sepakati menyebabkan tidak adanya keharmonisan interaksi dan komunikasi antar pasangan hingga menyebabkan pertikaian dan ungkapan-ungkapan kasar yang dilontarkan pasangan, sehingga sebuah pernikahan harus berujung dengan perceraian. Faktor eksternal adanya pihak ketiga seperti campur tangan keluarga dalam setiap permasalahan rumah tangga ataupun terjadinya perselingkuhan dari salah satu pihak dalam rumah tangga tersebut. Provokasi hingga pengaruh dari orang lain seperti tetangga maupun lingkup pertemanan juga dapat memecahkan hubungan rumah tangga sehingga berujung pada perceraian. Dengan demikian, kasus perceraian yang meningkat selama pandemic selain faktor ekonomi, juga adanya ketidaksiapan dan lemahnya ketahanan dalam berkeluarga. Selain itu faktor lainnya bersumber dari lingkungan luar seperti lingkup keluarga maupun lingkup sosialnya. TINJAUAN LITERATUR Perceraian Dalam Kamus Bahasa Indonesia kata “cerai” dimaknai dengan pisah atau putusnya hubungan sebagai suami-istri. Sehingga “perceraian” merupakan kata yang merujuk kepada keadaan dari makna kata “cerai” tersebut. Sehingga dapat dipahami bahwa dalam sebuah perceraian, yang putus itu hanyalah hubungan sebagai suami dan istri,oleh karena itu keduanya tidak dibolehkan lagi bergaul layaknya suami dan istri pada umumnya Alghifari et al., 2020. Perceraian pada hakekatnya adalah suatu proses dimana hubungan suami isteri tidak ditemukannya lagi keharmonisan dalam perkawinan Rahmatia, 2019. Menurut Mel Kranttzler 1973, perceraian adalah berakhirnya hubungan antara dua orang yang pernah hidup bersama sebagai suami istri Sahlan, 2012..Menurut salah satu ahli hukum yaitu Martiman Propodjohamidjojo, perceraian mengandung arti putusnya suatu perkawinan yang sah didepan hakim pengadilan berdasarkan syarat-syarat yang telah ditentukan oleh undang-undang Latifah Ratnawaty, 2013. Faktor penyebab perceraian di masa pandemi ini karena terjadi konflik dan perselisihan dalam rumah tangga yang disebabkan oleh pertengkaran/perselisihan dan permasalahan ekonomi karena banyak pekerja yang di PHK secara mendadak, sehingga keuangan keluarga menjadi tidak stabil. Mayoritas istri mengungkapkan bahwa alasan utama yang melatar belakangi terjadinya perceraian yaitu faktor ekonomi dikarenakan Suami tidak mampu untuk memenuhi seluruh kebutuhan dasar keluarga dikarenakan jumlah pendapatan yang kurang muncukupi. Oleh karena itu, sangat dibutuhkan interaksi dan komunikasi yang baik di tengah persoalan atau konflik yang menimpa pasangan suami istri untuk mencegah terjadinya perceraian serta suami istri harus dalam satu frekuensi saat menyelesaikan masalah supaya tercipta keharmonisan dalam keluarga.Ramadhani & Nurwati, 2021 faktor-faktor yang mengakibatkan perceraian dalam rumah tangga antara As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 219 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 lain yakni Fakor usia muda, faktor ekonomi, faktor belum memiliki keturunan dan faktor suami sering berlaku kasar menjadi penyebab terjadinya perceraian .Matondang, 2014 faktor keuangan yang tidak mencukupi menempati urutan tertinggi, yang menyebabkan pertengkaran yang terus-menerus dan tidak ada harapan hidup rukun lagi. Siburian, 2019 penyebab perceraian, seperti ekonomi, kekerasan dalam rumah tangga KDRT, perselingkuhan, dan sebagainya, sejatinya hanya merupakan pemicu, namun yang paling mendasar sebagai penyebab perceraian adalah tidak adanya komitmen antar masing-masing pasangan dalam mencapai tujuan perkawinan Prianto et al., 2014. Dampak yang akan timbul dari perceraian diantaranya terjadinya perasaan traumatik, masalah pengasuhan anak, gangguan emosional dan perubahan status dan peran. Garwan et al., 2018 Anak adalah orang yang paling merasakan dampak dari perceraian orangtuanya. bahkan orang tua memilih untuk bercerai, maka anak adalah korban pertama yang akan merasakan dampak secara psikologis.Ismiati, 2018Dampak perceraian orang tua dalam kehidupan sosial anak adalah kenakalan remaja, stress, phobia, sedih dan bingung menghadapi masalah yang ada, tidak mampu mengungkapkan perasaan, adanya perasaan kehilangan orang tua, daya imajinatif berkurang, kurang percaya terhadap pasangan bagi yang dewasa, dan kurang percaya diri baik dilingkungan sekolah maupun tempat tinggalnya. Ariani, 2019. Pandemi Covid - 19 World Health Organization WHO menjelaskan bahwa Coronaviruses Cov adalah virus yang menginfeksi sistem pernapasan. Infeksi virus ini disebut COVID-19. Virus Corona adalah zoonotic yang artinya ditularkan antara hewan dan manusia Ferdi, 2020. Sejak awal tahun 2020 dunia digemparkan oleh kehadiran virus covid-19 Corona virus disease, Covid-19 adalah penyakit menular yang disebabkan oleh virus yang baru di temukan belum lama ini. Kehadiran virus ini mengakibatkan melemahnya aktivitas berbagai sektor perekonomian. Di indonesia sendiri tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa keadaan ekonomi sangat tidak stabil. Pembatasan sosial berskala besar secara tidak langsung membatasi pelaksanaan aktivitas perekonomian di masyarakat. kehadiran covid-19 ini merubah tatanan kehidupan dalam aspek global maupun nasional Dwina, 2020. Penyebaran virus ini yang begitu cepat mengakibatkan terjadinya masalah sosial dan ekonomi yang terjadi hampir di seluruh dunia termasuk Indonesia. Di Indonesia hampir seluruh wilayah terdampak pada perubahan sosial dan ekonominya Azimah et al., 2020. Pandemi Coronavirus disease 2019 COVID-19 telah berlangsung sejak Maret 2020 hingga saat ini dalam perjalanannya sebagai patogen, SARS-CoV-2 sudah mengalami beberapa mutasi menjadi berbagai varian yang menjadi perhatian Indonesia maupun dunia. Dan Tim teknis WHO yang bertugas memantau perkembangan covid menetapkan mutasi varian sebagai berikut 1 Varian alpha, 2 Beta, 3 gamma, 4 varian delta, dan 5 varian omnicorn. Tabel 1 Grafik Angka Covid - 19 As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 220 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 Sumber Maret 2022 Pandemi covid-19 berdampak terhadap perekonomian masyarakat yang bekerja di sektor informal khususnya subsektor transportasi. Penghasilan pekerja di subsektor ini menurun sebesar 56% sehingga sebagian pekerja memilih untuk meninggalkan pekerjaan ini atau beralih ke pekerjaan lain. Kondisi ini mengakibatkan tidak terpenuhinya kebutuhan rumah tangga, sehingga mereka harus menggunakan tabungan yang ada, melakukan penghematan, dan mengandalkan bantuan khusus penanganan covid-19, bahkan sebagian isteri juga terpaksa harus bekerja untuk membantu perekonomian keluarga Fahlefi et al., 2020. Dampak positif pandemi Covid - 19 terhadap kehidupan sosial budaya dan kearifan lokal dapat membentuk kehidupan harmonis Dampak negatif pandemi Covid -19 terhadap kehidupan sosial budaya dan kearifan lokal menyebabkan seluruh kegiatan keagamaan dan tradisi budaya terpaksa dibatasi untuk mencegah penularan virus tersebut Ketut Susiani et al., 2021. Dampak pandemi COVID-19 pada aspek kesehatan adalah jumlah kasus positif dan kematian yang cukup tinggi serta penurunan cakupan sebagian besar layanan kesehatan; kasus positif COVID-19 cukup tinggi terjadi di wilayah yang merupakan pusat pemerintahan atau dekat dengan pusat ekonomi, Pandemi COVID-19 menyebabkan perubahan penawaran dan permintaan barang dan jasa. Kondisi tersebut berdampak terhadap penurunan pertumbuhan ekonomi. Perlambatan ekonomi tersebut menyebabkan peningkatan pengangguran, terutama pada sektor usaha mikro dan kecil serta industri rumah tangga, Dampak sosial pandemi COVID-19 ialah adanya peningkatan kemiskinan, dimana peningkatan kemiskinan lebih tinggi terjadi di wilayah yang yang memiliki jumlah keluarga hampir dan rentan miskin tinggi. Aeni, 2021. METODE PENELITIAN Artikel ini menjelaskan secara spesifik tentang tingginya angka perceraian dimasa pandemic covid 19 yang terjadi di Indonesia khususnya didaerah hukum Pengadilan Agama Tangerang. Di mana terdapat beberapa peristiwa krisis ekonomi yang ada di Indonesia dan terjadinya PHK massal yang menyebabkan terjadinya tingkat perceraian 0100000020000003000000400000050000006000000700000020-Mar-2020-May-2020-Jul-2020-Sep-2020-Nov-2020-Jan-2120-Mar-2120-May-2120-Jul-2120-Sep-2120-Nov-2120-Jan-2220-Mar-22Total KasusMeninggalSembuhAktifKasus Baru As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 221 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 dikarenakan tidak dapat terpenuhi biaya hidup ketika menurunya angka ekonomi, dan tidak dapat berinovasinya masyarakat untuk dapat menemukan lapangan pekerjaan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan hidup selama pandemic covid-19. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analitis yang memanfaatkan data bersumber dari artikel ilmiah dalam Google Scholar, Garuda, Sinta dan jurnal yang dikelola oleh berbagai institusi. Selain itu penelitian ini juga mengambil beberapa informasi tentang aktivitas gerakan mahasiswa yang tersebar di berbagai media online, seperti dan lain sebagainya. Proses penelitian ini dilakukan pertama dengan mengumpulkan artikel ataupun jurnal terkait, dan media online yang relevan kemudian dilakukan analisis secara lebih mendalam. Secara deskriptif, penelitian ini hendak menjelaskan apa yang menyebabkan faktor terjadinya perceraian di masa pandemic covid-19. Data-data penelitian yang diperoleh kemudian dianalisis dan diinterpretasi untuk melihat bagaimana faktor ekonomi dapat menjadi faktor utama terjadinya perceraian. HASIL DAN PEMBAHASAN Perceraian menurut sudut pandang Negara dan Agama Perceraian dalam pernikahan menurut sudut pandang Islam merupakan pintu terakhir ketika tidak ada jalan keluar menyelesaikan problem yang terjadi dalam rumah tangga. Dalam literatur hukum Islam, hukum keluarga dikenal dengan istilah al-ahwâl alshakhsiyyah. Al-Ahwâl merupakan jamak dari alhwâl urusan atau keadaan. Menurut istilah fikih, cerai disebut dengan talak. Talak berasal dari bahasa Arab yaitu kata ithlaq artinya lepasnya suatu ikatan perkawinan dan berakhirnya hubungan perkawinan. Kendati di dalam Al-Qur’an tidak terdapat ayat-ayat yang menyuruh atau melarang eksistensi perceraian itu, sedangkan untuk perkawinan ditemukan beberapa ayat yang menyuruh melakukan nya. Walaupun banyak ayat Al-Qur’an yang mengatur thalaq, namun isinya hanya sekedar mengatur bila thalaq mesti terjadi, meskipun dalam bentuk suruhan atau larangan. Kalau mau menthalaq seharusnya sewaktu istri itu berada dalam keadaan yang siap untuk memasuki masa iddah, seperti terdapat di dalam beberapa ayat Al-Qur’an diantaranya  Artinya “Hai Nabi, apabila kamu menceraikan isteri-isterimu Maka hendaklah kamu ceraikan mereka pada waktu mereka dapat menghadapi iddahnya yang wajar” QS. Thalaq1. Dalam surat at-thalaq ayat 1 ini ditafsirkan dengan menceraikan pada waktu idahnya yaitu menceraikan dengan talak sunnah. Talak berdasarkan waktu menjatuhkannya asalnya terbagi menjadi dua, talak sunnah dan talak bid’ah. Akan tetapi Ibnu Katsir rahimahullah menyebutkan ada jenis talak yang ketiga yaitu talak tidak sunnah dan tidak bid’ah. Maka tatkala seorang suami menjatuhkan cerai kepada istrinya As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 222 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 hendaknya dia melihat waktu idahnya, yaitu sebagaimana yang termasuk dalam talak sunnah. Dan ini merupakan dalil bahwasanya jika seseorang marah kepada istrinya, tidak boleh serta-merta dia menceraikan istrinya. Adapun cerainya sah atau tidak, maka ada khilaf di kalangan para ulama sebagaimana telah disebutkan sebelumnya. Demikian pula dalam bentuk melarang, seperti firman Allah, yaitu    Artinya “Apabila kamu mentalak isteri-isterimu, lalu habis masa iddahnya, Maka janganlah kamu para wali menghalangi mereka kawin lagi dengan bakal suaminya” QS. Al Baqarah 232. Dari ketentuan ayat di atas, bahwa perceraian itu halal dilakukan tetapi sangat dibenci oleh Allah SWT. Dalam ayat Al Baqarah 232 di tafsirkan memiliki keterkaitan seputar hukum dan kewajiban suami dalam memperlakukan istri yang di talaknya. Dan pada ayat 232 ini menafsirkan mengenai habisnya masa iddahintiha’. Kemudian pada ayat 232 dijelaskan hukum jika masa iddah istri benar habis, yakni si istri bisa kembali dengan mantan suami melalui akad nikah baru dan bagi wali dilarang untuk menghalang-halangi jika keduanya sama-sama ridlo dengan cara makruf, ataupun si istri bisa menikah dengan pria lain dan bagi mantan suami dilarang untuk menghalang-halangi jika memang sudah terjalin saling ridlo antara mantan istri dengan calon suami barunya Az-Zuhaili & Ibrahim, 2016352-353. Tafsiran ini juga menjelaskan bahwa adat yang berlaku pada zaman jahiliah para wali terlalu mencampuri dengan cara sewenang-wenang soal perkawinan sehingga perempuan tidak mempunyai kebebasan dalam memilih calon suaminya, bahkan mereka dipaksa menikah dengan laki-laki yang tidak disukainya. Perceraian menurut undang-undang nomor 1 tahun 1974 Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan merupakan sumber hukum perkawinan dan hukum keluarga Islam yang mengatur secara lengkap dan modern tentang perkawinan dan perceraian umat Islam yang berakar pada agama Islam. sebenarnya Undang-undang ini jauh lebih sempurna dan lengkap mengenai substansi yang diatur di dalamnya, baik berupa asas-asas maupun norma-norma hukum perkawinan dan perceraian serta kehidupan berkeluarga dalam realitas keberlakuannya dalam masyarakat Muhammad, 201068. Masalah putusnya perkawinan, Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 mengaturnya dalam Bab VIII Pasal 38 sampai Pasal 41 Tahun 1975 Pasal 14 sampai dengan Pasal 36, dan hal-hal teknis lainnya dalam Peraturan Menteri Agama Nomor 3 Tahun 1975. Ketentuan Pasal 38 UU No 1 Tahun 1974 menyebutkan suatu perkawinan dapat putus karena tiga hal, yaitu kematian salah satu pihak, perceraian, dan atas putusan hakim. Selanjutnya dalam Pasal 39 ayat 1, 2 dan 3, disebutkan pula bahwa perceraian hanya dapat dilakukan di depan sidang Pengadilan setelah pengadilan Majelis Hakim tidak berhasil mendamaikan ke dua belah pihak, serta cukup alasan bagi mereka untuk As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 223 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 bercerai. Gugatan perceraian dapat diajukan oleh pihak suami atau pihak istri dengan alasan yang telah ditentukan oleh peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku Titik, 2008133. Perceraian di Kota Tangerang Selama masa pandemi covid banyak sekali perubahan tatanan sosial pada masyarakat yang menyebabkan sulitnya lapangan pekerjaan yang tersedia untuk masyarakat yang menjadi pengaruh besar terhadap tingkat perekonomian masyarakat, hal ini menyebabkan banyaknya gugatan percerian yang di ajukan pada pengadilan agama, Pengadilan Agama PA Tangerang mencatat, tingkat perceraian di Kota Tangerang sepanjang 2021 sebanyak perkara. Angka tersebut mengalami peningkatan sekitar 14 persen dibandingkan tahun 2020 dengan jumlah perkara Rianti, 2022. menurut Irvan yunan seorang Panitera muda permohonan Pengadilan Agama Tangerang, penyebab meningkatnya kasus perceraian di antaranya masalah perselisihan dan pertengkaran yang terjadi terus menerus sehingga menyebabkan pihak istri atau suami mengajukan gugatannya ke Pengadilan Agama Tangerang. Terdapat permohonan perceraian yang disebabkan perselisihan dan pertengkaran terus menerus. Selain itu, sebanyak 808 perkara disebabkan faktor ekonomi Fikri, 2022. Gambar 1 Tingkat Angka Perceraian Tahun 2020 Sumber Laporan Tahunan Pengadilan Agama Tangerang Tahun 2020 Dalam laporan kegiatan tahunan pengadilan agama tangerang tahun 2020 faktor terbesar yang menjadi alasan perceraian adalah perselisihan dan pertengakaran terus menerus dengan jumlah perkara sebanyak perkara, disusul dengan masalah ekonomi sebanyak 6001 perkara dan disebabkan salah satu pihak suami/isteri/meninggalkan salah satu pasangannya sebanyak 405 perkara, sedangkan 405 41 21 12 11 9 8 7 1 2020 PERSELISIHAN EKONOMI SALAH SATU PIHAKKDRT POLIGAMI JUDIMABUK MURTAD DIPENJARACACAT BADAN ZINA/KAWIN PAKSA As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 224 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 perceraian KDRT terhitung 41 perkara, poligami 21 perkara, judi 12 perkara, mabuk 11 perkara, murtad 9 perkara, dipenjara 8 perkara, cacat badan 7 perkara, sedangkan zina dan kawin paksa masing- masing 1 perkara. Perekonomian nasional luluh lantah akibat penyebaran virus corona di Indonesia sejak Maret 2020. Secara spasial, perlambatan ekonomi terjadi di sebagian besar wilayah Indonesia yang banyak ditopang oleh permintaan domestik. Penerapan kebijakan Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar PSBB pun dilakukan di 4 Provinsi dan 27 kabupaten/kota. Akibatnya pendapatan masyarakat dan aktivitas produksi terganggu. Pembatasan tersebut menyebabkan konsumsi dan pertumbuhan investasi melemah Menurut Budi Supriyanto Kepala BPS Kota Tangerang selama pandemic covid - 19 yang terjadi di wilayah Kota Tangerang angka kemiskinan di Kota Tangerang bertambah 5,22% selama tahun 2020, di tahun 2020 tercatat sekitar penduduk kota tangerang yang berada di bawah garis kemiskinan dibandingkan angka kemiskinan di Kota Tangerang berjumlah Al Faqir, 2021. Gambar 2 Tingkat Angka Perceraian Tahun 2021 Sumber Laporan Tahunan Pengadilan Agama Tangerang Tahun 2021 Dalam laporan kegiata tahunan pengadilan agama tangerang tahun 2021 faktor penyebab perceraian yang paling tinggi adalah perselisihan dan pertengakaran terus meerus dengan jumlah perkara sebanyak perkara, kemudian faktor ekonomi sebanyak 808 perkara, dan faktor yang disebabkan karena meninggalkan salah satu pihak sebanyak 278 perkara, faktor penyebab perceraian lainnya seperti adanya KDRT sebanyak 34 perkara, karena poligami 16 perkara, murtad 14 perkara, mabuk 10 perkara, dipidana/dihukum penjara 8 perkara, judi 3 perkara, madat 2 perkara, cacat badan 2 perkara dan zina 1 perkara. Menurut Wali Kota Tangerang, Arief R wismansyah, Angka pengangguran di Kota Tangerang di akhir 2021 menyentuh angka orang atau naik 044% dibandingkan tahun 2020 dengan orang. Pandemi Covid - 19 yang melanda Indonesia sejak dua tahun terakhir sebagai salah satu yang memicu angka pengangguran di wilayah ini karena banyak usaha ekonomi 64% 25% 9% 1% 1% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 2021 PERSELISIHAN EKONOMI SALAH SATU PIHAKKDRT POLIGAMI MURTADDIPENJARA JUDI CACAT BADANZINA As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 225 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 masyarakat yang tidak berjalan bahkan mengalami kebangkrutan. Mengacu pada data yang dikeluarkan Badan Pusat Statistik BPS Kota Tangerang kenaikan jumlah pengangguran di Kota Tangerang ini dampak dari karyawan yang di-PHK mencapai jiwa, di luar lulusan SLTA yang belum bekerja atau tidak melanjutkan sekolah, peningkatan angka pengangguran di Kota Tangerang tahun 2021, masih lebih sedikit dibandingkan persentase kenaikan jumlah pengangguran di tahun 2019 ke 2020 sebesar 1,49% Fikri, 2021. Pandemi berdampak langsung pada ekonomi keluarga yang menjadi tidak harmonis karena tidak terpenuhinya kebutuhan untuk kehidupan sehari hari,PHK besar besaran yang dilakukan oleh pabrik pabrik serta pemberlakuan PSBB Pembatasan Sosial Bersekala Besar juga membuat angka perekonomian di Indonesia berada pada masa sulit, sulitnya mencari lapangan pekerjaan dalam situasi pandemic covid ini membuat sering terjadinya perselisihan antara suami dan isteri, tidak sedikit pula yang berujung pada perceraian yang dianggap sebagai jalan terakhir karena sudah tidak mampunya kepala keluarga untuk memberikan nafkah untuk isteri dan anaknya, perselisihan merupakan angka paling tinggi dalam indicator perceraian selama tahun 2020 hingga 2021, fenomena kenaikan angka perceraian selama pandemi covid ini juga menandakan bahwa masih kurangnya kepercayaan antara suami dan isteri dalam menghadapi masa sulit, gaya hidup yang tinggi seringkali membuat seseorang tidak bisa menerima kenyataan ketika dalam menghadapi masa masa sulit. Dampak Perceraian Dengan tingginya tingkat perceraian juga memiliki dampak terhadap Psikologis anak, Perceraian berpengaruh pada psikologis anak yang membuat mereka kehilangan cinta dari kedua orang tuanya sehingga membuat salahsatu sebab aspek perkembangan anak akan terhambat. Orangtua yang bercerai, akan berpengaruh pada psikologis anak diantaranya yaitu anak kurang mendapat perhatian, perlindungan dari rasa aman, cinta kasih sayang dari ayah dan ibunya.Hasanah, 2020. Perceraian juga berdampak negatif terhadap kondisi emosi anak dalam masa perkem-bangannya dan tidak jarang sering menunjukkan perilaku-perilaku yang agresif bahkan mungkin ada yang suka berkelahi, atau sebaliknya, mungkin juga ada anak yang pendiam atau sulit bergaul. Anak-anak yang menjadi korban perceraian mengalami masalah karena perhatian dan kasih sayang yang diberikan oleh orang tua sudah tidak lengkap lagi Haryanie et al., 2012. Hurlock & 2011 berpendapat bahwa dampak dari perceraian yaitu timbulnya trauma. Biasanya trauma yang dialami dari perceraian lebih besar dibandingkan kematian, karena perceraian yang menimbulkan kekacauan atau masalah menyebabkan timbul rasa sakit dan tekanan emosional sebelum maupun sesudah bercerai. & Keasey, 1985, mempunyai pendapat yang hampir sama yaitu perubahan yang terjadi dalam lingkup keluarga dapat mengakibatkan stres pada orang yang mengalaminya. Tidak jarang masalah atau kekacauan yang terjadi saat perceraian dapat As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 226 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 menyebabkan luka secara emosional yang mendalam dan membutuhkan waktu bertahun-tahun untuk penyembuhan. Hurlock & 2011 berpendapat bahwa kehilangan pasangan yang disebabkan karena perceraian maupun kematian akan menimbulkan masalah tersendiri bagi kedua belah pihak. Khususnya bagi wanita yang diceraikan oleh suaminya akan mengalami kesepian yang mendalam. Wanita yang diceraikan juga cenderung dikucilkan dari kegiatan sosial, sedangkan untuk pria yang menduda akan mengalami kekacauan pola hidup. Namun tidak sedikit wanita dan pria yang bercerai merasa beruntung atas perceraiannya tersebut karena mereka merasa punya kesempatan untuk memulai hidup yang baru. KESIMPULAN DAN SARAN Perceraian dalam pernikahan menurut sudut pandang Islam merupakan pintu terakhir ketika tidak ada jalan keluar menyelesaikan problem yang terjadi dalam rumah tangga. Dalam undang-undang No. 1 Tahun 1974 terlihat jelas bahwa putusnya perkawinan karena perceraian adalah berbeda halnya dengan putusnya perkawinan. Pada Peraturan Pemerintah No. 9 Tahun 1975 digunakan istilah cerai talak dan cerai gugat, hal ini dimaksudkan agar dapat membedakan pengertian yang dimaksud oleh huruf c pada undang-undang tersebut. Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan merupakan sumber hukum perkawinan dan hukum keluarga Islam yang mengatur secara lengkap dan modern tentang perkawinan dan perceraian umat Islam yang berakar pada agama Islam. Pandemi berdampak langsung pada ekonomi keluarga yang menjadi tidak harmonis karena tidak terpenuhinya kebutuhan untuk kehidupan sehari hari,PHK besar besaran yang dilakukan oleh pabrik pabrik serta pemberlakuan PSBB Pembatasan Sosial Bersekala Besar juga membuat angka perekonomian di Indonesia berada pada masa sulit, sulitnya mencari lapangan pekerjaan dalam situasi pandemic covid ini membuat sering terjadinya perselisihan antara suami dan isteri, tidak sedikit pula yang berujung pada perceraian yang dianggap sebagai jalan terakhir karena sudah tidak mampunya kepala keluarga untuk memberikan nafkah untuk isteri dan anaknya, perselisihan merupakan angka paling tinggi dalam indicator perceraian selama tahun 2020 hingga 2021, fenomena kenaikan angka perceraian selama pandemi covid ini juga menandakan bahwa masih kurangnya kepercayaan antara suami dan isteri dalam menghadapi masa sulit, gaya hidup yang tinggi seringkali membuat seseorang tidak bisa menerima kenyataan ketika dalam menghadapi masa masa sulit. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Aeni, N. 2021. Pandemi COVID-19 Dampak Kesehatan, Ekonomi, & Sosial. Jurnal Litbang Media Informasi Penelitian, Pengembangan Dan IPTEK, 171, 17–34. Al Faqir, A. 2021. Ekonomi Daerah di 2020 Lumpuh Akibat Penerapan PSBB. Liputan 6. As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 227 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 Alghifari, A., Sofiana, A., & Mas’ari, A. 2020. FAKTOR EKONOMI DAN DAMPAKNYA TERHADAP KASUS PERCERAIAN ERA PANDEMI COVID-19 DALAM TINJAUAN TAFSIR HUKUM KELUARGA ISLAM. 12. Anisa, L. N. 2021. Keluarga, Agama dan Kesejahteraan Studi Kasus Perceraian Pada Masa Pandemi Covid-19 di Kabupaten Situbondo. Jurnal Ekonomi Dan Bisnis, 52, 45–61. Ariani, A. I. 2019. Dampak Perceraian Orang Tua Dalam Kehidupan Sosial Anak. Phinisi Integration Review, 22, 257. Az-Zuhaili, W., & Ibrahim, M. 2016. Tafsir Al -Munir/ Wahbah az-zuhaili; Penyunting, Malik Ibrahim Gema Insani. Azimah, R. nor, Khasanah, I. nur, Pratama, R., Azizah, Z., Febriantoro, W., & Purnomo, S. rifda syafira. 2020. Analisis Dampak Covid-19 Terhadap Sosial Ekonomi Pedagang Di Pasar Klaten Dan Wonogiri. EMPATI Jurnal Ilmu Kesejahteraan Sosial, 91, 59–68. Dwina, I. 2020. Melemahnya Ekonomi Indonesia Akibat Covid-19. Program Studi Pendidikan IPS, FKIP Universitas Lambung Mangkurat, 1–5. Fahlefi, R., Ahmad, S., & Rizal, R. 2020. Dampak Pandemi Covid-19 Terhadap Perekonomian Masyarakat Di Sektor Informal. Imara JURNAL RISET EKONOMI ISLAM, 42, 160. Ferdi, F. 2020. Dampak Pandemi Covid-19 Terhadap Aktivitas Ekonomi Masyarakat Di Desa Salumpaga, Kecamatan Tolitoli Utara. Geosee, 12, 37–43. Fikri, C. 2021. Pengangguran di Kota Tangerang Capai Orang. Berita Fikri, C. 2022. Imbas Pandemi, Angka Perceraian di Kota Tangerang Naik 14% pada 2021. Berita Garwan, I., Kholiq, A., & Akbar, M. G. G. 2018. Tingkat Perceraian Dan Pengaruh Faktor Ekonomi Di Kabupaten Karawang. Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum De’Jure, 31, 79–93. Haryanie, S. W., Dra. Retty, F., & Dra. Wirda, H. P. 2012. DAMPAK PERCERAIAN ORANG TUA TERHADAP EMOSI ANAK Studi kasus pada dua anak yang memiliki orang tua yang bercerai di SDN Gembong I Kab. Tangerang. 100–106. Hasanah, U. 2020. Pengaruh Perceraian Orangtua Bagi Psikologis Anak. AGENDA Jurnal Analisis Gender Dan Agama, 21, 18. Hurlock, & 2011. Psikologi Perkembangan. In Suatu Pendekatan Sepanjang Rentang Kehidupan. As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 228 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 Imaduddin, M. A. 2021. Tinjauan Hukum Perceraian Dimasa Pandemi Covid 19. 54, 1246–1259. Ismiati, I. 2018. Perceraian Orangtua Dan Problem Psikologis Anak. At-Taujih Bimbingan Dan Konseling Islam, 11, 1–16. Ketut Susiani, T., Kadek Citra Nopia Ningsih, I., Deniarais Suhanda, F., Putu Intan Camarini, N., & Putu Fitri Handayani, N. 2021. Pandemi Covid-, Dampak Kehidupan Sosial Budaya dan Kearifan Lokal di Bali. Jurnal Bimbingan Konseling Indonesia, 62, 175–184. Latifah Ratnawaty. 2013. Faktor Yuridis Sosiologis Meningkatnya Perceraian Di Kota Bogor. Journal of Chemical Information and Modeling, 539, 1689–1699. Matondang, A. 2014. Faktor-faktor yang Mengakibatkan Perceraian dalam Perkawinan. Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Dan Sosial Politik, 22, 141–150. Muhammad, A. 2010. Hukum Perdata Indonesia. Citra Aditya Bakti. Prianto, B., Wulandari, N. W., & Rahmawati, A. 2014. Rendahnya Komitmen Dalam Perkawinan Sebagai Sebab Perceraian. KOMUNITAS International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture, 52, 208–218. Rahmatia, R. 2019. DAMPAK PERCERAIAN PADA ANAK USIA REMAJA Studi Pada Keluarga di Kecamatan Wonomulyo Kabupaten Polewali Mandar. Ramadhani, S. R., & Nurwati, N. 2021. Dampak Pandemi Covid-19 Terhadap Angka Perceraian. Jurnal Penelitian Dan Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat JPPM, 21, 88. Rianti, E. 2022. Angka Perceraian di Kota Tangerang pada 2021 Meningkat 14 Persen. Sahlan, M. 2012. Pengamatan Sosiologis Tentang Perceraian di Aceh. Jurnal Substantia, 141, 88–97. Siburian, B. 2019. Analisis Faktor-Faktor Penyebab Perceraian Berdasarkan Keputusan Pengadilan Negeri Balige Tahun 2017. Jurnal Ilmiah Religiosity Entity Humanity JIREH, 11, 31–39. Titik, T. T. 2008. Hukum Perdata Dalam Sistem Hukum Nasional Ed 1. Jakarta Perdana Media Group. & Keasey. 1985. Child Development. In Homewood. Illinois p. 32. Yuni, L. A. 2021. Tingginya angka perceraian di era pandemi. Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Samarinda. As-Syar’i Jurnal Bimbingan & Konseling Keluarga Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 216 - 229 E-ISSN 2656-8152 P-ISSN 2656-4807 DOI 229 Volume 5 Nomor 2 2023 ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this Covid-19 has greater impact on people’s lives in all aspects, including economy. The large-scale social restriction policy PSBB implemented by the government has restricted the movement of people from one place to another. Then it is suggested to work from home, study from home, or shop from home. As a result, informal sector businesses particularly transportation sub-sector. This research aims to see the impact of Covid-19 pandemic on the economy of people who work in the informal sector, especially the transportation sub-sector. This research was conducted in Tanah Datar Regency, West Sumatra Province in the second quarter of 2020. The population was public transportation workers and sample was minibus taxi drivers or motor taxi bikers. The data collected through a questionnaire, presented in table form and analyzed descriptively by using statistics. The results show Pandemic Covid-19 affect their income. The income of workers in this subsector decreased by 56% so that some workers chose to leave this job or switch to other jobs. This condition results in unfulfilled household needs, so they have to use existing savings, do savings, and rely on special assistance in handling Covid-19, even some wives have also had to work to help the family HasanahThe purpose of this paper is to know the effect of parental divorce on children's psychological. The method used qualitative research with a case study approach. The subject in this study amounted to one pair by using a purposive sampling technique that is sampling where the researcher has determined the criteria for the research subjects. The results of this study indicate that divorced parents will have a psychological effect on the child including the child receiving less attention, protection, and love from his father and NOR AZIMAHISMI NUR KHASANAHRIZKY PRATAMASHAFA RIFDA SYAFIRA PURNOMOCorona virus Covid-19 is a new virus that spread in 2020, this virus is a new type of virus SARS-CoV-2 whose disease is called Coronavirus Disease 2019 COVID-19. The spread of this virus that is rapidly resulted in social and economic problems occurring almost all over the world, one of them is Indonesia. In Indonesia, almost all areas affected by social and economic change, such as in Klaten Regency and Wonogiri Regency. The aim of this research is to find how the impact of Covid – 19 on social and economic conditions in Klaten and Wonogiri areas. In this study used quantitative method in data retrieval is by spreading questionnaire in 3 market in Klaten and Wonogiri. Data processing of the questionnaire propagation is processed by a descriptive statistical method which then the questionnaire results are processed into data in the form of graphs and explanations. The results showed that with the Covid viral pandemic – 19 This economy experienced a decline especially on market traders who experienced a decrease in turnover and revenue of 50%. Abstrak. Virus Corona Covid-19 merupakan virus baru yang merebak pada tahun 2020, virus ini merupakan virus jenis baru SARS-CoV-2 penyakitnya disebut Coronavirus disease 2019 COVID-19. Penyebaran virus ini yang begitu cepat mengakibatkan terjadinya masalah sosial dan ekonomi yang terjadi hampir di seluruh dunia termasuk Indonesia. Di Indonesia hampir seluruh wilayah terdampak pada perubahan sosial dan ekonominya, seperti pada Kabupaten Klaten dan Kabupaten Wonogiri. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana dampak Covid-19 terhadap kondisi sosial dan ekonomi pada wilayah Klaten dan Wonogiri. Pada penelitian ini digunakan metode kuantitatif dalam pengambilan data yaitu dengan menyebar kuisioner pada 3 pasar yang ada di Klaten dan Wonogiri. Pengolahan data dari hasil penyebaran kuisioner diolah dengan metode statistik deskriptif yang kemudian hasil kuisioner diolah menjadi data berupa grafik dan penjelasan. Hasil yang diperoleh menunjukkan bahwa dengan adanya pandemi virus Covid-19 ini perekonomian mengalami penurunan terutama pada pedagang pasar yang mengalami penurunan omzet dan penghasilan sebesar 50%.Ismiati IsmiatiPerceraian tidak hanya merugikan beberapa pihak yang terlibat, seperti suami, isteri, kedua orang tua dari masing-masing pasangan, dan anak, tetapi juga sebagai perbuatan yang halal tapi dibenci oleh Allah SWT. Ironisnya angka perceraian, khususnya di Aceh dari tahun ke tahun terus meningkat. Anak adalah orang yang paling merasakan dampak dari perceraian orangtuanya. Untuk tumbuh kembang seorang anak membutuhkan kasih sayang dari keluarga legkap yang kondusif. Keluarga merupakan tempat pendidikan yang pertama dan utama bagi anak. Selain itu keluarga juga merupakan pondasi primer bagi perkembangan anak. sebagai tempat bagi anak untuk menghabiskan sebahagian besar waktu dalam kehidupannya. Disaat keluarga mulai terjadi konflik, bahkan orang tua memilih untuk bercerai, maka anak adalah korban pertama yang akan merasakan dampak secara ini angka perceraian baik tingkat nasional, regional Jawa Timur, maupun lokal Kota Malang sangat tinggi. Di wilayah Kota Malang, angka perceraian tertinggi terdapat di wilayah Kecamatan Kedungkandang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan pemahaman akan makna dan tujuan perkawinan, sebab-sebab terjadinya perceraian, dan komitmen pasangan suami istri dalam mencapai tujuan perkawinan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan naturalistik dengan wawancara depth interview sebagai metode pengumpulan data. Informan penelitian ditentukan secara snow ball di antara para janda dan duda di wilayah Kecamatan Kedungkandang yang bercerai pada sepanjang tahun 2012. Analisis dan intepretasi data merujuk pada enam langkah analisis sebagaimana dikemukakan Creswell. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sebagian besar informan penelitian kurang memahami makna dan tujuan perkawinan. Berbagai hal yang dikemukakan sebagai penyebab perceraian, seperti ekonomi, kekerasan dalam rumah tangga KDRT, perselingkuhan, dan sebagainya, sejatinya hanya merupakan pemicu, namun yang paling mendasar sebagai penyebab perceraian adalah tidak adanya komitmen antar masing-masing pasangan dalam mencapai tujuan the divorce rates both nationally and regionally continues to increase. This is, what happened in the municipality of Malang, where the highest divorce rate is in the district Kedungkandang. This study aims to describe the causes of divorce, and the couples commitment to achieve the goal of marriage. This study uses naturalistic approach with depth interviews as a method of data collection. The research informants were determined through snow ball methods among the widows and widowers in the district Kedungkandang who were divorced in 2012. Analysis and interpretation of data refers to the six-step analysis as presented by Creswell. The findings show that most of the research informants do not understand the meaning and purpose of marriage. Various things are presented as the cause of the divorce, such as economic, domestic violence KDRT, infidelity, and so on, but the most fundamental cause of divorce is the lack of marital commitment between each partner in achieving the goal of marriage. 2013 Universitas Negeri SemarangSalsabila Rizky Ramadhani Nunung NurwatiABSTRAKPandemi COVID-19 atau severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 SARS-CoV-2 merupakan sebuah permasalahan global yang tidak hanya berdampak pada sektor kesehatan, namun berdampak pula pada sektor perekonomian dan berdampak pada permasalahan kependudukan, salah satunya peningkatan kasus perceraian akibat dari pandemi covid-19. Selama pandemi covid 19, Indonesia mengalami peningkatan kasus perceraian sebesar 5 persen. Tulisan ini merupakan kajian literatur yang bertujuan untuk menganalisis perceraian yang terjadi di masa pandemi COVID-19 dan menghubungkannya dengan teori fungsional struktural. Penulisan artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan studi literatur. Secara umum, faktor penyebab perceraian di masa pandemi ini karena terjadi konflik dan perselisihan dalam rumah tangga yang disebabkan oleh pertengkaran/perselisihan dan permasalahan ekonomi karena banyak pekerja yang di PHK secara mendadak, sehingga keuangan keluarga menjadi tidak stabil. Mayoritas istri mengungkapkan bahwa alasan utama yang melatar belakangi terjadinya perceraian yaitu faktor ekonomi dikarenakan Suami tidak mampu untuk memenuhi seluruh kebutuhan dasar keluarga dikarenakan jumlah pendapatan yang kurang muncukupi. Oleh karena itu, sangat dibutuhkan interaksi dan komunikasi yang baik di tengah persoalan atau konflik yang menimpa pasangan suami istri untuk mencegah terjadinya perceraian serta suami istri harus dalam satu frekuensi saat menyelesaikan masalah supaya tercipta keharmonisan dalam keluarga ABSTRACTThe COVID-19 pandemic or severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 SARS-CoV-2 is a global problem that not only affects the health sector, but also affects the economic sector and has an impact on demographic problems, one of which is an increase in divorce cases as a result of the pandemic. covid-19. During the Covid 19 pandemic, Indonesia experienced an increase in divorce cases by 5 percent. This paper is a literature review that aims to analyze divorce that occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic and relate it to structural functional theory. Writing this article using a literature study approach. In general, the causes of divorce during this pandemic are due to conflicts and disputes in the household which are caused by quarrels / disputes and economic problems because many workers are dismissed suddenly, so that family finances are unstable. The majority of wives reveal that the main reason behind the occurrence of divorce is economic factors because the husband is unable to meet all the basic needs of the family due to the insufficient amount of income. Therefore, good interaction and communication is needed in the midst of problems or conflicts that befall a married couple to prevent divorce and husband and wife must be in one frequency when solving problems in order to create harmony in the familyBernhardt SiburianThe objective of this research is to know dominant factors which evoke Christian married couple divorce based on finding of Balige State Court in 2107 in efforts prevention by church for the people of Toba Samosir. This research use descriptive qualitative approach with documents analysis method. Data analysis carried out by doing interpretation the result of qualitative data analysis, after act of ranking grades and percentage be done. The act of data analysis is done since team of researcher start doing data classification coding within effective reading. Data interpretation is done by two stages, first interpretation of each data item and second, interpretation of all data. The result of data interpretation indicate insufficient family financial factor occupy in the highest sequence, which causing constantly dispute and no hope for living in harmonious anymore. The result of this research, then, posses coherence with Chapter 19 Government Regulation No. 9/1975 regarding Law Implementation No. 1/1974 and base theories of married couple experts. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor dominan yang menyebabkan perceraian berdasarkan Keputusan Pengadilan Negeri Balige tahun 2017 dalam upaya penanggulangan yang dilakukan oleh gereja bagi masyarakat Toba Samosir. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif dengan metode analisis dokumen. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menginterpretasikan hasil analisis data kualitatif, setelah penyusunan persentase dan ranking dilakukan. Tindakan analisis data dilakukan sejak para peneliti mulai melakukan klasifikasi pengkodean melalui pembacaan efektif dokumen. Kemudian peneliti akan melakukan interpretasi data dengan dua tahap, yaitu interpretasi data setiap item dan interpretasi keseluruhan data. Hasil interpretasi analisis data menunjukkan bahwa faktor keuangan yang tidak mencukupi menempati urutan tertinggi, yang menyebabkan pertengkaran yang terus-menerus dan tidak ada harapan hidup rukun lagi. Dengan demikian hasil penelitian ini memiliki koherensi dengan Pasal 19 Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 9 tahun 1975 tentang Pelaksanaan Undang-undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 dan juga landasan teori-teori para ahli. Andi Irma ArianiPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui, mengkaji, dan menjelaskan i Penyebab terjadinya perceraian, ii Dampak perceraian orang tua dalam kehidupan sosial anak. Penentuan informan pada penelitian ini menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Teknik purposive sampling adalah teknik penentuan sampel dengan pertimbangan tertentu, dimana peneliti cenderung memilih informan secara variatif berdasarkan alasan, yang jumlahnya adalah 30 orang dari 7 keluarga. Informan pendukung pada subjek penelitian ini adalah pasangan suami isteri yang bercerai usia 20-56 tahun, anak usia 6-22 tahun, orang tua/mertua usia 60-70 tahun. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa i Penyebab terjadinya perceraian dalam kehidupan sosial anak adalah hancurnya hubungan rumah tangga pasangan suami isteri yang menyebabkan perceraian dipicu berbagai macam sebab, diantaranya tidak harmonisnya hubungan suami isteri dari segi pemenuhan kebutuhan biologis, persoalan prinsip hidup yang berbeda, perbedaan penghasilan dalam peningkatan kesejahteraan hidup, adanya perselingkuhan, yakni Pria Idaman Lain PIL dan Wanita Idaman Lain WIL sebagai pihak ketiga perusak hubungan rumah tangga, perbuatan-perbuatan yang melanggar peran dan fungsinya masing-masing sebagai suami atau isteri, seperti Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga KDRT dan adanya pengaruh dukungan sosial dari pihak luar. ii Dampak perceraian orang tua dalam kehidupan sosial anak adalah kenakalan remaja, stress, phobia, sedih dan bingung menghadapi masalah yang ada, tidak mampu mengungkapkan perasaan, adanya perasaan kehilangan orang tua, daya imajinatif berkurang, kurang percaya terhadap pasangan bagi yang dewasa, dan kurang percaya diri baik dilingkungan sekolah maupun tempat Agama dan Kesejahteraan Studi Kasus Perceraian Pada Masa Pandemi Covid-19 di Kabupaten SitubondoL N AnisaAnisa, L. N. 2021. Keluarga, Agama dan Kesejahteraan Studi Kasus Perceraian Pada Masa Pandemi Covid-19 di Kabupaten Situbondo. Jurnal Ekonomi Dan Bisnis, 52, Al -Munir/ Wahbah az-zuhailiW Az-ZuhailiM IbrahimAz-Zuhaili, W., & Ibrahim, M. 2016. Tafsir Al -Munir/ Wahbah az-zuhaili;

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